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2007 seems a worthy year to reappraise the Age of Exploration,
and not merely because a season of anniversaries is upon us.
Of course, Jamestown’s 400th was widely publicized, thanks to a
number of new books and exhibitions, and regal visits from
President Bush and Queen Elizabeth. But this is also the 500th
anniversary of the Waldseemüller map, the first document to use the
word “America,” planted squarely over Brazil
[click here for the interactive map feature in this issue].
Coming up quickly are the 400th anniversaries of two communities that are just
as American as Jamestown, but couldn’t be more
different – Quebec (founded in 1608 by Samuel de Champlain) and
Santa Fe (settled circa 1608 by Juan Martinez de Montoya).
If these historical rhymes create a temporary surge of excitement, they
also present a conundrum for the teacher of American history. How exactly
does an outlier like Champlain fit into our discipline, with its neatly
marked temporal and geographical boundaries? If the class
in question is U.S. history, then Champlain instantly becomes
marginal. How many brave instructors are teaching a full
continental and hemispheric perspective? The answer, one suspects,
is very small. There are a scattering of courses, at the university
level, on “The Atlantic World,” but that term is a bit of a
misnomer when applied to places like Peru or Puget Sound. The
first English settlers of North America were intensely aware of
their French and Spanish neighbors – yet we seem barely to be.
But the questions that vex us can also be the most intriguing.
Today, we cannot make a cell phone call without revealing our
precise GPS coordinates. But in the Age of Exploration, hardly
anyone knew exactly where they were, or whose claims encompassed
what territory. That ignorance was an essential fact of American
history, and conveniently allowed settlers to roam where they
would – well beyond where they were permitted to. Who can
precisely say where the west was in, say, 1700? Deerfield? Albany?
Lake Superior? California? Why is it that US history books always
tell us that the first slaves were brought in 1619 (to Jamestown),
when they were in Spanish Florida well before that? In fact, Jamestown
was not even the first European settlement on that site – the Spanish had
built one of their own in 1570, just a few miles north.
Should we not, in the spirit of the explorers,
try to stretch our boundaries a bit? To expand
the geography of American history does more than
enlarge our space – it changes the story itself.
To spend more time in the century before Jamestown,
and to reflect on all of the non-Jamestowns that
were also beginning, offers a way to deepen our history
considerably. Best, it brings back our polyphony,
and the glorious sound of people speaking in a huge
range of European and indigenous languages about
what it means to be American.
Of course, the “Age of Exploration” is not entirely
terra incognita. In the early republic, this was one
of the subjects that US historians were quickest to plumb,
from Joel Barlow to Washington Irving to Francis Parkman.
1492 is probably the most famous date in American history,
memorized in rhyming couplets by millions of schoolchildren
every year. Could anyone be more famous than Columbus? Even
lesser explorers – Verrazano, Champlain – have enormous objects
named after them. Pirates never seem to go out of fashion, as
Johnny Depp is reminding us again this summer, and the ongoing
popularity of “Survivor” indicates that we have not entirely lost
touch with the reality show that was early American history.
Yet it is remarkable how little we know, after
all of these centuries, about the specific explorers
themselves, or where they were trying to go, or their
impact when they arrived. It could even be argued that
we know less than we did a generation ago. In 1992,
many expressed ambivalence over the propriety of
celebrating the 500th anniversary of Columbus’ landing
in the new world, and the very word “discover” has an
uncomfortable air for many, reeking of Eurocentrism.
But surely there are ways to encompass these concerns
and recognize the discoveries as the extraordinary
achievements of courage and knowledge that they were.
Before Columbus, the Atlantic was the Mare Tenebrosum,
or Sea of Darkness, on most maps. Now, it takes five
hours to fly across. We should never entirely forget
the fear that there might be nothing on the other side.
Fortunately, we have tools to fight against ignorance,
just as they did. There is no shortage of materials
for those who wish to look into the first chapter of
American history. The ancient maps and manuscripts
us are lovingly preserved in places like the John Carter
Brown Library, the Newberry, the Huntington, and the Library
of Congress, where Waldseemüller’s map resides (1000
were printed – this lone orphan survives). And of course,
they live on in the European repositories, both princely
and public, where all facts about the New World were sent,
year after year, to satisfy an insatiable curiosity about America.
Patient sifting through these records offers numerous rewards
to the diligent. It confirms that what we see as inevitable
“history” often felt highly tentative to those involved at the
time. What would have happened if the Pilgrims had settled in
Guyana, as they contemplated, rather than Plymouth? Or if the
natives had not been decimated by disease at precisely the moment
of their arrival? Surely fortune was smiling on these early experiments.
But there was more to it than a few bits of good luck (dice are among the
many artifacts that have been excavated at Jamestown). The discovery
and settlement of the New World was a vast collective enterprise,
embracing forms of knowledge from a thousand traditions. Every journey
across the Atlantic brought back improvements to the science of navigation,
allowing explorers to pull the veil back a little further. Every
moment of contact with the inhabitants of the Americas brought deeper
understanding of flora and fauna, which revolutionized the way
Europeans ate, drank, and looked at the world (often, after 1492,
through tobacco smoke). Without doubt, much of this knowledge was
purchased with extraordinary violence, a fact that the early
historians were loath to explore. Some are still loath to embrace
that truth. Only this spring, the Pope raised a tempest throughout
South America when he gave a speech in Brazil that claimed the
natives were “silently longing” for Christianity before it was
presented to them – and that this was in no way “the imposition
of a foreign culture.”
A close study of the Age of Exploration is rewarding in other ways
as well. For one thing, it gives the lie to one of the prevailing
assumptions of American history – that we are a new people, inhabiting
a new world. A quick glance at the publication that announced Columbus’s
discovery – the Epistola of 1493 – makes it clear that he was in many
ways closer to the Middle Ages than to our own time. In fact,
the primitive woodcut that purported to show his arrival in
the Indies was borrowed from another book, about a pilgrimage
to the Holy Land. On the day that President Bush visited
Jamestown, in May, an object was dislodged from the ground,
and it turned out to be a metal sword hilt, ca. 1590 – an
object that seemed as Arthurian as American.
Too often, we historians tend to tell our story
with the knowledge of the end result to come –
the creation of an enormously powerful nation
called the United States. But it is strangely liberating
to look at the old maps, and see the vast stretches
not-yet-filled-in, and populated instead with mermaids
and unicorns and other figments of Europe’s overheated
imagination. Champlain’s earliest and supposedly scientific
renderings of the new world include a large winged dragon,
ready to take flight. Well into the eighteenth century, maps
of the Atlantic continued to include completely fictitious
islands that had been legends for centuries, but
never existed – the Sunken Land of Buss, St. Brendan’s Isle,
Hy-Brazil, the Island of the Seven Cities, and a dozen others.
Each age writes history for its own reasons, and another
reason to go back to this older past is to see how much
of the present we can find there. Environmental history is
rapidly rising in popularity as a consequence of our growing
anxiety over climate change. Nature is ubiquitous in the Age of
Exploration – the cold snaps that drove Europeans (especially
English) to leave their home countries, the diseases and foods
and medicines that were instantly exchanged upon contact,
and the species loss that resulted. All bear further investigation,
by scientists as well as historians.
In a similar manner, it may surprise a new generation
of researchers to learn how much of Islam can be found
in the Age of Exploration. Not only in the debt to Arab
astronomers and geographers, which was considerable, but
in the way that new commodities found in the Americas
(silver) altered traditional trade patterns between
Europe and the Ottoman Empire.
Finally, the Age of Exploration can help restore something
that we are perhaps unaware that we have lost in the cynical
twenty-first century: our capacity for astonishment.
The discovery of the New World was many things to many
people – liberating, tyrannical, cruel, and generous, all at
the same time. But there is no doubt that it was immense, and
set in motion a pendulum that will never stop swinging.
At the end of The Great Gatsby, Fitzgerald’s narrator
steps back to imagine his Long Island setting as it would
have appeared centuries earlier, to the first explorers:
And as the moon rose higher the inessential houses began to melt
away until gradually I became aware of the old island here that
flowered once for Dutch sailors' eyes - a fresh, green breast of
the new world. Its vanished trees, the trees that had made way for
Gatsby's house, had once pandered in whispers to the last and
greatest of all human dreams; for a transitory enchanted moment
man must have held his breath in the presence of this continent,
compelled into an aesthetic contemplation he neither understood
nor desired, face to face for the last time in history with
something commensurate to his capacity for wonder.
The real wonder, perhaps, lies in how much remains to be explored.
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