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The Material Culture of Slave Resistance
by Douglas R. Egerton
Professor of History, Le Moyne College
Photo of slave leg chain Photo of slave collar, chain, bearing the owner's name
Left: Slave leg chain (GLC05338)
Right: Metal Token, “Am I Not a Man and a Brother,” ca. 1850 (GLC08551)

Artifacts tell stories. Sometimes the tales are unclear or even contradictory, and sometimes artifacts—not unlike a dishonest diarist—can even lead the unwary historian astray. But the material culture of enslaved Americans, from buttons and beads to hammers and weapons, can often reveal as much to modern scholars as the written word. Especially for those people known as the “historically inarticulate,” working men and women who did not bequeath us a Jeffersonian cache of thousands of letters to peruse, tangible material remains are often all that historians or archaeologists have at their disposal as they seek to reconstruct the lost world of the American past. An almost endless supply of documents from a master’s big house can tell us about the planter class, but other kinds of information can help us to understand how African Americans built their homes, cooked their food, dressed themselves, and on occasion, resisted their enslavement by picking up a sword.

Perhaps the one of the best examples of how scholars can use material culture to help recover the past is the artifacts discovered in New York City in 1991. As construction workers excavated a building site, they uncovered the remains of roughly 400 slaves, some of them Africans. The way any society mourns its dead always says much about its values, but the bones interred nearly 200 years ago reveal far more than the grief of loved ones. Most of the bones, for example, indicate the hardships faced by the black men and women who labored in post-Revolutionary Manhattan, a port that was then the second most demographically black city in the early Republic. (Only Charleston had a larger percentage of black residents.) Half the bones were from teenagers, and many more displayed torn ligaments, enlarged muscles, and even broken neck bones. Brass buttons, shoe buckles, and ceremonial objects also disclosed what written documents from the 1790s rarely do: how slaves dressed, what sort of shoes they wore, and how African spirituality survived the long passage to the Americas.

The material culture of slave life often exposes what written documents obscure. It enables historians to paint a more complete picture of the slave community -- especially that part of slave life hidden from the master -- by searching for evidence of what, say, slaves ate, or even what sort of dolls they crafted for their daughters. Those of us who write about slave rebellions typically have less need for such artifacts, since enslaved Americans who ran afoul of the law inadvertently created the sort of paper trail that historians always hope to find: newspaper reports, court documents, and written commentary about the event from judges, mayors, governors, and even presidents. Nevertheless, artifacts and material culture can enrich the study of topics usually examined through written documents.

Although written documents—letters, wills, government papers—are customarily treated as sources that are qualitatively distinct from material culture, in some cases they may be treated as artifacts because of how they appear, rather than what the words on the parchment actually say. (Click here for the Solomon documents) In this case a slave named Solomon is on trial for the crime of conspiracy and insurrection. On the face of it, the case appears simple. Solomon, the brother of the slave rebel Gabriel, had been arrested in early September, 1800 just outside of Richmond, Virginia, and several other slaves who lived on the plantation of Thomas Henry Prosser provided testimony against him. Yet in the same way that a discarded animal bone can tell us about the diet of a man like Solomon, this brief document may be deconstructed so that it speaks volumes about black rebelliousness, Virginia law, and strategies of survival on the part of the enslaved.

As a classroom exercise, have your students read this document. Contemporary court cases with high visibility usually capture the public’s imagination, and that was true as well in the early national period; future Attorney General William Wirt reported that he had to “fight” his way into the Virginia courtroom to watch the trials of Solomon and Gabriel. Students should read this document for content, but ask them also what they see, just as if they are examining tobacco pipes excavated from a Virginia slave cabin. Several slaves testified against Solomon, but in whose handwriting are the depositions? Under what conditions are men like Daniel and Toby providing testimony? Would we today call them hostile witnesses? Even if they are telling the truth, can modern readers regard as legitimate the testimony provided by terrified, enslaved men before a court of powerful, vengeful whites? Ask your students to gauge the length of the trial based upon this document (and most likely, this was the entire court proceeding in Solomon’s case). Twenty-first-century Americans are accustomed to celebrity trials that last for months. What does such a short artifact indicate about the sort of justice meted out by Southern courts to rebellious bondmen?




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