World War II posters helped to mobilize a nation. Inexpensive,
accessible and ever-present, the poster was an ideal
agent for making victory the personal mission of every
citizen. Government agencies, businesses, and private
organizations issued an array of poster images, linking
the military front with the home front and calling upon
every American to boost production at work and at home.
Deriving their appearance from the fine and commercial
arts and expressing the needs and goals of the people
who created them, posters conveyed more than simple
slogans.
Wartime posters, which addressed every citizen as a
combatant in a war of production, united the power of
art with the power of advertising. Their message was
that the factory and the home were also battlefields.
Poster campaigns aimed not only to increase productivity
in factories, but to enlarge people’s views of
their responsibilities in a time of Total War. Government
officials incorporated the poster medium into their
plans to convert the American economy to all-out war
production during the defense emergency of 1941. Plant
managers, company artists, paper manufacturers, and
others quickly followed suit, creating and posting incentive
images that eventually dwarfed the efforts of the government
in variety and number.
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| 1942 Office of War Information
poster warning against the careless leaking
of sensitive information. |
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Those who advocated the
use of posters believed they directly reflected
the spirit of a community. As one government official
put it, “We want to see posters on fences,
on the walls of buildings, on village greens, on
boards in front of the City Hall and the Post Office,
in hotel lobbies, in the windows of vacant stores—not
limited to the present neat conventional frames
which make them look like advertising, but shouting
at people from unexpected places with all the urgency
which this war demands.”1 “Ideally,”
another confirmed, “it should be possible
to post [all over] America every night. People should
wake up to find a visual message everywhere.”2
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However, officials also expressed a growing uneasiness
with the large number of posters emerging from non-governmental
sources and the resulting lack of control over content
and distribution. As one government official privately
explained, “You just can’t let all the painters
in the country paint their heads off and make a lot
of posters and then slap them up somewhere.”3
After Japan’s December 7, 1941 attack on Pearl
Harbor, complaints about government poster design intensified.
To control the content and imagery of war messages,
the government created the Office of War Information
(OWI) in June 1942. Among its responsibilities, the
OWI sought to review and approve the design and distribution
of government posters. Eventually, contending groups
within the OWI clashed over poster design. While some
embraced the poster to demonstrate the practical value
and utility of art, others hoped to use the poster to
demonstrate the power of advertising.
The OWI established systems of distribution modeled
upon the elaborate volunteer organizations set up during
the First World War.4 National distribution
utilized organizations and trades such as post offices,
railroad stations, schools, restaurants, and retail
store groups. At the local level, OWI arranged distribution
through volunteer defense councils, whose members selected
appropriate posting places, established posting routes,
ordered posters from supply catalogs, and took the “Poster
Pledge.” The “Poster Pledge” urged
volunteers to “avoid waste,” treat posters
“as real war ammunition,” “never let
a poster lie idle,” and “make every one
count to the fullest extent.”5
Over time the OWI developed six war information themes
for major producers of mass media entertainment:
(1) The Nature of the Enemy--general
or detailed descriptions of this enemy, such as, he
hates religion, persecutes labor, kills Jews and other
minorities, smashes home life, debases women, etc.
(2) The Nature of our Allies--the
United Nations theme, our close ties with Britain,
Russia and China, Mexicans and Americans fighting
side by side on Bataan and on the battlefronts.
(3) The Need to Work--the countless
ways in which Americans must work if we are to win
the war, in factories, on ships, in mines, in fields,
etc.
(4) The Need to Fight--the need for
fearless waging of war on land, sea, and skies, with
bullets, bombs, bare hands, if we are to win.
(5) The Need to Sacrifice--the need
for Americans to give up all luxuries and devote all
spare time to help win the war.
(6) The Americans--what we are fighting
for: the four freedoms, the principles of the Atlantic
Charter, democracy, and and end to discrimination
against races and religions.6
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| 1943, Unattributed |
1943, Office of War Information |
As the war progressed, the government's desire to promote
expertise in poster design and distribution coexisted
uneasily with the democratic rhetoric that embellished
the medium’s war contribution. For many, the idea
of posters made-by-all and seen-by-all better fit the
democratic message the government hoped to convey. Yet
advertising professionals succeeded in shaping the appearance
of the posters after 1943. Gone
was the esthetic of “war art” and in its
place stood the conventions of commercial illustration.
In an attempt to speak to the lower third of the American
population, commercial illustration rejected symbolism
and abstract images for literal representation and emotional
pull. If, as critics charged, the turning over of poster
design to Madison Avenue art directors made government
posters as bland and inoffensive as advertising, in
most instances this was in fact what the OWI’s
poster clients desired: a selective reality of sacrifice
and struggle without troublesome detail.
Across Washington, officials of the US Office of Emergency
Management’s War Production Board (WPB) specialized
in production-incentive images for factories. The WPB
led the way in contracting for posters with commercial
illustrators and designers.7 Distributing posters and
streamers free for the asking, the WPB only asked in
return that factory managers “select your posting
spots with care, and stick to these posting spots .
. . use your imagination in displaying posters and in
building up exhibits composed of two, three, or a dozen
different kinds of posters.”
Series after series of posters directed employees to
get to work, anything less was tantamount to treason.
Employers did not necessarily expect their workforce
to take all poster slogans literally. Rather, businesses
placed these displays at the scene of production to
create an atmosphere of unity and urgency. Posters called
upon workers to conserve, keep their breaks short, and
follow their supervisors’ instructions. The main
thrust was to convince workers, many of whom participated
in the violent labor conflicts of the 1930s, that they
were no longer just employees of GM or US Steel, but
rather they were Uncle Sam’s “production
soldiers” on the industrial front line of the
war.8
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1941, US Office
for Emergency Management, Division of Information |
The posters did not carry the message that hard work
would result in personal or company gain. The motivation
was purely patriotic duty. Many posters also played
directly on the guilt of those who were not in the military
by reminding workers that, if they were not risking
their lives on the battlefield, the least they could
do was keep their bathroom breaks short. 
Posters castigated workers for punching in late, taking
long breaks, damaging the company’s equipment
and even drinking after work. Artists turned what had
been considered common infractions against a company
into acts of betrayal, murder and disloyalty against
the nation.
The posters of J. Howard Miller for the labor-management
committee at the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing
Company are good examples of how companies blended traditional
themes of workplace discipline with the imagery of sacrifice
and patriotism. Patriotic workers were expected to respect
their superiors in the factory. While the now-famous
image of a woman with raised arm proclaimed “We
Can Do It!,” another Westinghouse poster clarified
what “It” meant—“Any Questions
About Your Work?.... Ask Your Supervisor.”
The posters also served to help reconstruct a positive
image of business and American capitalism that had been
badly shaken during the 1930s. Through aggressive advertising
campaigns public relation specialists during the war
turned this image around. Yet even the National Association
of Manufacturers (NAM) found this bragging about America’s
industrial might excessive at times. Toward the end
of the war the NAM vice-president noted that, “if
this trend kept up, the boys in the foxholes would,
on their return, be forced to employ a press agent to
convince the public that soldiers, too, had something
to do with our victory.”9
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With the war’s successful conclusion
in sight, posters turned toward idealized images
of the comforts and conveniences of life far from
the factory scene of production. At war’s
end the poster returned to the familiar confines
of political campaigns and bulletin boards.
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Endnotes:
1. Walter F. Conway to Glen L. Alt, 9 November 1942, folder:
OWI Misc., box 1138, E-243, NC-148, Records of the Office
of War Information, RG 208, National Archives at College
Park, MD (hereafter NACP).
2. Thomas D. Mabry, “Outline for the Coordination
of Government War Graphics,” 1 June 1942, folder:
Division of Visual Arts, box 55, E-7, RG 208, NACP.
3. George A. Barnes to Morse Salisbury, 16 February 1942,
folder: posters, box 42, E-7, RG 208, OFF-OWI alpha subject
file, NACP.
4. OWI’s poster distribution system was designed
by Fred Werts, the president of the Window Display Advertising
Company, who had been in charge of government poster distribution
in the First World War, and Thomas Luckenbill of J. Walter
Thompson, a manager of philanthropic campaigns for, among
others, the Navy Relief Society. See Mabry, “Outline
for the Coordination of Government War Graphics.”
5. U.S. Office of War Information, Poster Handbook.
A Plan for Displaying Official War Posters (Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, ca. 1943).
6. Alan Cranston to Norman Ferguson, 17 November
1942, folder: California trip, box 1078, entry E222, NC
148, RG 208, NACP.
7. “Posters for Factories,” Time
37 (March 7, 1941): 23; “Bulletin Board Patriotism,”
Time 38 (July 28, 1941): 57.
8. The term “production soldier” was widely
used on government and privately issued posters. Cyrus
Hungerford has been credited as the first poster designer
to use the phrase on a series of poster in 1941. See Derek
Nelson, The Posters that Won the War: The Production,
Recruitment and War Bond Posters of WWII (Osceola,
WI: Motorbooks, 1991), p. 62.
9. Richard H. Rovere, “Advertising in
Wartime,” New Republic (February 21, 1944):
233.
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