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Carey, Mathew (1760-1839) The American Museum, volume 6

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Gilder Lehrman Collection #: GLC09397 Author/Creator: Carey, Mathew (1760-1839) Place Written: s.l. Type: Book Date: 1789 Pagination: 544 p.

Summary of Content: The American Museum Volume VI, Philadelphia, containing twenty articles on African Americans including Samuel Stanhope Smith's "Essay of the Causes of the Variety of Complexion and Figure in the Human Species," Ben Franklin's "Address to the Public from the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes, Unlawfully Held in Bondage," and a 46-page section of the proceedings of the Congress.

Full Transcript: [Excerpt created by crowdsourcing, p74]
Speech of William Pinckney, esq. of Hartford county, Maryland, in the assembly of that state, at their last session, when the report of a committee ...of the house, favourable to a petition for the relief of the oppressed slaves, was under consideration.
MR. SPEAKER,
BEFORE I proceed to deliver my sentiments, on the subject matter of the report, under consideration, I must entreat the members of this house, hear me with patience, and not to condemn what I may happen to advance, in support of the opinion I have formed, until they shall have heard me out. I am conscious, sir, that upon this occasion, I have long-established principles to combat, and deep-rooted prejudices to defeat; that I have fears and apprehensions to silence, which the acts of former legislatures have sanctioned, and that (what is equivalent to a host of difficulties) the popular impressions are against me: but, if I am honoured with the same indulgent attention, which the house has been pleased to afford me on past subjects of deliberation, I do not despair of surmounting all these obstacles, in the common cause of justice, humanity, and policy. The report appears to me to have two objects in view: to annihilate the existing restraints on the voluntary emancipation of slaves, adn to relieve a particular offspring from the punishment, heretofore inflicted on them for the mere transgressions of their parents. To the whole report, separately and collectively, my hearty assent, my cordial assistance, shall be given. It was the policy of this country, sir, from an early period of colonization, down to the revolution, to encourage an importation of slaves, for purposes, which (if conjecture may be indulged) had been far better answered without their assistance. That this inhuman policy was a disgrace to the colony, a dishonour to the legislature, and a scandal to human nature, we need not at this enlightened period labour to prove. The generous mind, that has adequate ideas of the inherent rights of mankind, and knows the value of them, must feel its indignation rise against the shameful traffic, that introduces slavery into a country, which seems to have been designed by providence, as an asylum for those whom the arm of power had persecuted, and not as a nursery for wretches, stripped of every single privilege which heaven intended for its rational creatures, and reduced to a level with - nay become themselves - the mere goods and chattels of their matters.
Sir, by the eternal principles of natural justice, no master in the state has a right to hold his slave in bondage for a single hour; but the law of the land - which (however oppressive and unjust, however inconsistent with the great ground work of the late revolution, and our present fame of government) we cannot, in prudence, or from a regard to individual rights, abolish - has authorised a slavery, as bad, or perhaps worse than, the most absolute, unconditional servitude, that ever England knew, in the early ages of its empire, under the tyrannical policy of the Danes, the feudal tenures of the Saxons, or the pure villanage of the Normans. But, mr. Speaker, because a respect for the peace and safety of the community, and already injured rights of individuals, forbids a compulsory liberation of these unfortunate creatures, shall we unnecessarily refine upon this gloomy system of bondage, and prevent the owner of a slave from manumitting him, at the only probable period, when the warm feelings of benevolence, and the gentle workings of commiseration dispose him to the generous deed? - Sir, the natural character of Maryland is sufficiently sullied, and dishonoured, by barely tolerating slavery: but when it is found, that your laws give every possible encouragement to its continuance to the latest generation, and are ingenious to prevent even its flow and gradual decline, how is the die of the imputation deepened? - It may even be thought, that our late glorious struggle for liberty, did not originate in principle, but took its rifle from popular caprice, the rage of faction, or the intemperance of party. Let it be remembered, mr. Speaker, that, even in the days of feudal barbarity - when the minds of men were un-expanded by that liberality of sentiment, which springs from civilization and the refinement - such was the antipathy, in England, against private bondage, that, so far from being studious to stop the progress of emancipation, the courts of law (aided by legislative connivance) were inventive to liberate, by construction. If, for example, a man brought an action against his villain, it was presumed, that he designed to manumit him; and, although perhaps this presumption was, in contrary to the fact, yet, upon this ground alone, were bondmen adjudged to be free.
Sir, - I sincerely wish, it were in my power, to impart my feelings, upon this subject, to those who hear me - they would then acknowledge, that, while the owner was protected in the property of his slave, he might at the same time be allowed to relinquish that property to the unhappy subject, whenever he should be so inclined. They would then feel, that denying this privilege was repugnant to every principle of humanity - an everlasting stigma on our government - an act of unequalled barbarity - without a colour of policy, or a pretext of necessity, to justify it.
Sir, let gentlemen put it home to themselves, that after providence has crowned our exertions, in the cause of general freedom, with success, and led us on to independence through a myriad of dangers and in defiance of obstacles crowding thick upon each other, we should not so soon forget the principles upon which we fled to arms, and lose all sense of that interposition of heaven, by which alone we could have been saved, from the grasp of arbitrary power. We may talk of liberty in our public councils; and fancy, that we feel a reverence for her dictates - we may declaim, with all the vehemence of animated rhetoric, against oppression, and flatter ourselves, that we detest the ugly monster, but so long as we continue to cherish the poisonous weed of partial slavery among us, the world will doubt our sincerity. In the name of heaven, with what face can we call ourselves the friends of equal freedom and the inherent rights of our species, when we wantonly pass laws inimical to each - when we reject every opportunity of destroying, by silent, imperceptible degrees, the horrid fabric, of individual bondage, reared by the mercenary hands of those, from whom the sacred flame of liberty received no devotion?
Sir, it is pitiable to reflect, to what wild inconsistencies, to what opposite extreme we are hurried, by the frailty of our nature. Long have I been convinced, that no generous sentiment of which the human heart is capable, no elevated passion of the soul that dignifies mankind, can obtain an uniform and perfect dominion - to day we may be aroused as one man, by a wonderful and unaccountable sympathy, against the lawless invader of the rights of his fellow-creatures: to-morrow we may be guilty of the same oppression, which we reprobated and refilled in another. It is, mr. Speaker, because the complexion of these devoted victims is not quite so delicate as ours - is it, because their untutored minds (humbled and debased by the hereditary yoke) appear less active and capacious than our own - or, is it, because we have been so habituated to their situation, as to become callous to the horrors of it - that we are determined, whether politic or not, to keep them, till time shall be no more, on a level with the brute? For "nothing" says Montesquieu, "so much assimilates a man to a brute, as living among freemen, himself a slave."
Call not Maryland a land of liberty - do not pretend, that she has chosen this country as an asylum - that here she has erected her temple, and consecrated her shrine - when here also her unhallowed enemy holds his hellish pandemonium, and rulers of-cy. I would as soon believe the incoherent tale of a school boy, who should tell me, he had been frightened by a ghost, as that the grant of this permission ought in any degree to alarm us. Are we apprehensive, that these men will become more dangerous, by becoming freemen? Are we alarmed, lest, by being admitted to the enjoyment of civil rights, they will be inspired with a deadly enmity against the rights of others? Strange, unaccountable paradox! How much more rational would it be, to argue, that the natural enemy of the privileges of a freeman, is he who is robbed of them himself! In him the foul dæmon of jealousy converts the sense of his own debasement, into a rancourous hatred for the more auspicious fate of others - while from him, whom you have raised from the degrading situation of a slave, - whom you have restored to that rank, in the order of the universe, which the malignity of his fortune prevented him attaining before, - from such a man (unless his foul be ten thousand times blacker than his complexion) you may reasonably hope for all the happy effects of the warmest gratitude and love.
Sir, let us not limit our views to the short period of a life in being; let us extend them along the continuous line of endless generations yet to come - How will the millions, that now teem in the womb of futurity, and whom your present laws would doom to the curse of perpetual bondage, feel the inspiration of gratitude, to those, whose sacred love of liberty shall have opened the door, to their admission within the pale of freedom? Dishonorable to the species is the idea, that they would ever prove injurious to out interests - released from the shackles of slavery, by the justice of government and the bounty of individuals - the want of fidelity and attachment, would be next to impossible.

Sir, when we talk of policy, it would be well for us to reflect, whether pride is not at the bottom of it; whether we do no feel our vanity and self-consequence wounded at the idea of a dusky African participating equally with ourselves, in the rights of human nature, and rising to a level with us, from the lowest point of degradation. Prejudices of this kind, sir, are often so powerful, as to persuade us, that whatever countervails them, is the extremity of folly, and that the peculiar path of wisdom, is that which leads to their gratification - but it is for us, to reflect, that whatever the complexion, however ignoble the ancestry, or uncultivated the mind, one universal father gave being to them and us; and, with that being, conferred the unalienable rights of the species. But I have heard it argued, that if you permit a master to manumit his slaves by his last will and testament, as soon as they discover he has done so, they will destroy him, to prevent a revocation - never was a weaker defence attempted, to justify the severity of persecution - never did a bigoted inquisition condemn an heretic to torture and to death, upon grounds less adequate to justify the horrid sentence.
Sir, is it not obvious, that the argument applies equally against all devises whatsoever, for any person's benefit. For, if an advantageous bequest is made, even to a white man, has he not the same temptation, to cut short the life of his benefactor, to secure and accelerate the enjoyment of the benefit?
As the universality of this argument renders it completely nugatory, so is its cruelty palpable, by its being more applicable to other instances, to which it has never been applied at all, than to the case under consideration.

[Excerpt created by crowdsourcing, p77]
I am one of that unfortunate race of men, who are distinguished from the rest of the human species, by a black skin and woolly hair - disadvantages of very little moment in themselves, but which prove to us a source of the greatest misery, because there are men, who will not be persuaded, that it is possible for a human soul to be lodged within a sable body. The West Indian planters could not, if they thought us men, so wantonly spill our blood; nor could the natives of this land of liberty, deeming us of the same species with themselves, submit to be instrumental in enslaving us, or think of us proper subjects of a forbid commerce. Yet, strong as the prejudices against us are, it will not, I hope, on this side of the Atlantic, be considered as a crime, for a poor african not to confess himself a being of an inferior order to those, who happen to be of a different colour from himself; or be thought very presumptuous, in one who is but a negro, to offer to the happy subjects of this free government, some reflexions upon the wretched condition of his countrymen. They will not, I trust, think worse of my brethren, for being discontented with so hard a lot as that of slavery; nor disown me for their fellow creature, merely because I deeply feel the unmerited sufferings, which my countrymen endure.

It is neither the vanity of being an author, nor a sudden and capricious gull of humanity, which has prompted the present design. It has been long conceived, and long been the principal subject of my thoughts. Ever since an indulgent matter rewarded my youthful services with freedom, and supplied me at a very early age with the means of acquiring knowledge, I have laboured to understand the true principles, on which the liberties of mankind are founded, and to possess myself of the language of this country, in order to plead the cause of those who were once my fellow slaves, and if possible to make my freedom, in some degree, the instrument of their deliverance.

The first thing then, which seems necessary, in order to remove those prejudices, which are so unjustly entertained against us, is to prove that we are men - a truth which is difficult of proof, only because it is difficult to imagine, by what arguments it can be combated. Can it be contended, that a difference of colour alone can constitute a difference of species? - if not, in what single circumstance are we different from the rest of mankind? what variety is there in our organization? what inferiority of art in the fashioning of our bodies? what imperfection in the faculties of our minds? - Has not a negro eyes? has not a negro hands, organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions? - fed with the same food; hurt with the same weapons; subject to the same diseases; gated, by the memory of their wrongs, to the commission of every crime - shew us, I say, (and the demonstration, if it be possible, cannot be difficult) that a greater proportion of these, than of white men, have fallen under the animadversion of justice, and have been sacrificed to your laws. Though avarice may slander and insult our misery, and though the poets heighten the horror of their fables, by representing us as masters of vice - the fact is, that, if treated like other men, and admitted to a participation of their rights, we should differ from them in nothing, perhaps, but in our possessing strong passions, nicer sensibility, and more enthusiastic virtue.

Before so harsh a decision was pronounced upon our nature, we might have expected - if sad experience had not taught us, to expect nothing but injustice from our adversaries - that some pains would have to be taken, to ascertain, what our nature is; and that we should have been considered, as we are found in our native woods, and not as we now are - altered and perverted by an inhuman political institution. But, instead of this, we are examined, not by philosophers, but by interested traders: not as nature formed us, but as man has depraved us - and from such an enquiry, prosecuted under such circumstances, the perverseness of our dispositions is said to be established. Cruel that you are! you make us slaves; you implant in our minds all the vices, which are, in some degree, inseparable from that condition; and you then impiously impute to nature, and to God, the origin of those vices, to which you alone have given birth; and punish in us the crimes, of which you are yourselves the authors.

The condition of slavery is in nothing more deplorable, than in its being so unfavourable to the practice of every virtue. The surest foundation of virtue, is the love of our fellow creatures; and that affection takes its birth, in the social relations of men to one another. But to a slave these are all denied. He never pays or receives the grateful duties of a son - he never knows or experiences the fond solitude of a father - that tender names of husband, of brother, and of friend, are to him unknown. He has no country to defend and bleed for - he can relieve no sufferings - for he looks around in vain, to find a being more wretched than himself. He can indulge no generous sentiment - for, he sees himself every hour treated with contempt and ridicule, and distinguished from irrational brutes, by nothing, but the severity of punishment. Would it be surprising, if a slave, labouring under all these disadvantages - oppressed, insulted, scorned, and trampled on - should come at last to despise himself - to believe the calumnies of his oppressors - and to persuade himself, that it would be against his nature, to cherish any honourable sentiment, or to attempt any virtuous action? Before you boast of your superiority over us, place some of your own colour (if you have the heart to do it) in the same situation with us; and see, whether they have such innate virtue, and such unconquerable vigour of mind, as to be capable of surmounting such multiplied difficulties, and of keeping their minds free from the infection of every vice, even under the oppressive yoke of such a servitude.

But, not satisfied with denying us that indulgence, to which the misery of our condition gives us so just a claim, our enemies have laid down other and stricter rules of morality, to judge our actions by, that those by which the conduct of all other men is tried. Habits, which in all human beings, except ourselves, are thought innocent, are, in us, deemed criminal - and actions, which are even laudable in white men, become enormous crimes in negroes. In proportion to our weakness, the strictness of censure is increased upon us; and as resources are withheld from us, our duties are multiplied. The terror of punishment is perpetually before our eyes; but we know not, how to avert it, what rules to act by, or what guides to follow. We have written laws, indeed, composed in a language we do not understand, and never promulgated: but what avail written laws, when the supreme law, with us, is the capricious will of our overseers? To obey the dictates of our own hearts, and to yield to the strong propensities of nature, is often to incur severe punishment; and by emulating examples, which we find applauded and revered among Europeans, we risk inflaming the wildest wrath of our inhuman tyrants.

To judge of the truth of these assertions, consult even those milder and subordinate rules for our conduct, the various codes of your West India laws - those laws, which allow us to be men, where they consider us as victims of their vengeance, but treat us only like a species of living property, as often as we are to be the objects of their protection - those laws, by which (it may be truly said) that we are bound to suffer, and be miserable, under pain and death. To resent an injury, received from a white man, though of the lowest rank, and to dare to strike him, though upon the strongest and grossest provocation, is an enormous crime. To attempt an escape from the cruelties exercise over us, by flight, is punished with mutilation, and sometimes with death. To take arms against matters, whose cruelty no submission can mitigate, no patience exhaust. and from whom no other means of deliverance are left, is the most atrocious of all crimes; and is punished by a gradual death, lengthened out by torments, so exquisite, that none, but those who have been long familiarized, with West Indian barbarity, can hear the bare recital of them without horror. And yet I learn from writers, whom the Europeans hold in the highest esteem, that treason is a crime, which cannot be committed by a slave against his master; that a slave stands in no civil relation towards his master, and owes him no allegiance; that master and slave are in a state of war; and if the slave take up arms for his deliverance, he acts not only justifiably, but in obedience to a natural duty, the duty of self-preservation. I read in authors, whom I find venerated by our oppressors, that to deliver one's self and one's countrymen from tyranny, is an act of the sublimest heroism. I hear Europeans exalted, as the martyrs of public liberty, the faviours of their country, and the deliverers of mankind - I see their memories honoured with statues, and their names immortalized in poetry - and yet when a generous negro is animated by the same passion, which ennobled them - when he feels the wrongs of his countrymen as deeply, and attempts to revenge them as boldly - I see him treated by those same Europeans, as the most execrable of mankind, and led out, amidst curves and insults, to undergo a painful, gradual, and ignominious death: and thus the same Briton, who applauds his own ancestors, for attempting to throw off the easy yoke, imposed on them by the Romans, punishes us, as detested parricides, for seeking to get free from the cruellest of all tyrannies, and yielding to the irresistible eloquence of an African Galgacus or Boadicea.

Are then the reason and the morality, for which Europeans so highly value themselves, of a nature so variable and fluctuating, as to change with the complexion of those, to whom they are applied? - Do the rights of nature cease to be such, when negro is to enjoy them? - Or does patriotism, in the heart of an African, rankle into treason?
A free negro.

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To the PRINTER of the AMERICAN MUSEUM.
SIR,
YOU will oblige some of your readers, by inserting the opinion of the critical reviewers, of London, on dr. Smith's essay, on the causes of the variety of complexion and figure among mankind, and at the same time giving the following remarks a place in your Museum. A.B

Reviewers' opinion.
AT different times, we have glanced at this subject, and have felt great embarrassment, not only from its real difficulty, but from the danger of improper and undeserved imputations. Yet we see not that, with a liberal and candid mind, the danger can be considerable. The Copernican system has advanced in reputation, and is at last established, notwithstanding the opposition which the Mosaic history affords; and the best divines allow, that the Scriptures were certainly not designed to teach us a system of philosophy. In the population of the world, this argument has additional force. Moses relates the history of one family, and one race, evidently with a design of establishing the genealogy of the Jews, and, eventually, that of Christ. The language there employed, 'of the whole world,' is the same with that used in the other parts of Scripture, where a limited portion is only meant; and the whole race of mankind is that race which is to form the peculiarly favored nation of God. If, indeed, this view of the question was not perfectly clear, the allusions of different parts of Scripture might be adduced. There were giants, says Moses, on the earth in those days; and another race is evidently alluded to, when he speaks of the sons of God going into the daughters of men. If this then was the case previous to the deluge, and only hinted at incidentally, we may well suppose that it may be the case in a subsequent period, though not particularly pointed out; and if with some authors, we suppose the deluge partial, it will appear more decisive. It is enough for our purpose, however, to observe, that in examining this question, we mean not willfully to oppose the inspired writers; but considering it as a philosophical one, we shall give the arguments which arise from a careful view of the different facts.

After this apology, we may venture to say that sr. Smith's essay, in which he endeavors to show that the human race sprung from one pair, is extremely vague and inaccurate; that it is far from proving the principle which he wishes to establish. It is, in other respects, exceptionable; for, to an unreasonable diffuseness, it adds no little confusion. A philosopher, in discussing this subject, would have examined the various figures and complexions of mankind. He would have distinguished what was decidedly the effects of climate and habit; for much variety is owing to these causes, from what is more permanent, and con frequently ought to be the subject of this investigation. Instead of pursuing this method, he takes at one view all the varieties, and when has proved some of these to be the effects of heat or cold, or different customs, he thinks that has has, with equal certainty, demonstrated the rest to be of the same kind. So loose and inclusive in his reasoning, that he has never inquired what really constitutes a different species: in botany it is preserving the general and essential characters in changes of situation, and losing, in time, the accidental differences, which climate and culture have produced. In animals, where the distinction ought to have begun, it has been neglected. If the production of a fertile offspring be the criterion of the sameness of the species, men are undoubtedly the same species. But this distinction is found to be fallacious, particularly in domesticated animals; and, if carefully examined, we shall see that in zoology, the species, are not, in reality, ascertained with accuracy. We must then, at last, refer to the botanical distinction.

Another cause of inaccuracy, in our author, is a very indefinite use of terms. We have 'dark, swarthy, and black,' used with little discrimination. There are three colors which distinguish three races of men: the fair sanguine European; the shining jetty Negro, and the duller copper-colored American. To these all the varieties must be referred; and if an author can prove that climate will bring an unmixed race of Americans in Europe to a fair complexion, or in Africa to the jetty black, he will have, in one part, obtained his end. He must otherwise fail. If, indeed, he proves so much, more remains behind. The face of the African and American differ as much as their color; and both differ from the German of Tacitus, whom we choose as our standard of the European, because of the similarity in the receptive states of civilization. He will not, even then, have finished his work. The Huns, the Tartars, and the Greeks, differ still more from each other, What climate gives the two former their peculiarity? What manners produce such a striking difference on the two latter? The Tartars, whom we have put between, by design, have inhabited climates as those of the Huns, and as warm as those of the Greeks; yet they have always differed. As we have pointed out what doctor Smith should have done, let us now see what he has done.

In the beginning he neglects medical differences: we suppose he means anatomical ones; for he is very diffuse on the subject of the bile, which is fortunately of great service to him, because it is yellow, and because it may become black. If, however, he had proceeded to anatomical differences, he would have found the membrane immediately under the scarfskin, black in the negro; he would have found it tawny when he was just born, and daily grow blacker before the bile had any color. He would have found it in the American, of a copper colour; and, in the European, of a reddish white. He would have found an original difference in the shape of
the skull and legs; a difference in the treatment of diseases, and the effects of medicines.

He alleges, with justice, that the skin is changed, though the bile be not affected; and it is certainly true, that heat of climate blackens the hair, without affecting the constitution in
general. It blackens also the complexion; agreed: but the swarthy Spaniard is a distant in color from the Negro, though perhaps of Moorish race, as the Highlander; for a dirty brown is extremely distant from a jetty black. Our author's whole reasoning proves no more. The curly
hair is a very important difference. If our author had examined it, he would have found it proceed from the tortuosity of the pores through which
it proceeds. He has struggled with this difficulty as much as the hair seems to do for its growth. The Malays, in hot climates, have curly hair; and the blacks, in temperate ones, lose the distinction. This is true, in some measure; but the most curly hair of the Malay is much straiter than the longest hair of the Negro. Our Readers will smile when dr. Smith, after much labour, comes to tell us, that, in consequence of a continuation for some ages in a temperate climate, the
Negro has actually had a queue from five to six inches long. The Malay, in a hotter climate than this third race of Negroes in America, have, in no instance, where it is allowed to grow, hair so short.
The effects of heat and cold, on the forms of the bodies, is explained with still less success. In the 48th degree of latitude, we are assured, that the posterity of Chinese families have become perfect Tartars. We know that, in the West India islands, the fourth race from a Negro woman is almost an European; and from the same cause. Weak must be the argument that wants such support. We cannot give a better specimen of our author's reasoning than the following.

" The principal peculiarities that may require a farther illustration are the smallness of the nose, and depression of the middle of the face ; the prominence of the forehead, and the extreme weakness of the eyes.
" The middle of the face is that part which is most exposed to the cold, and consequently suffers most from its power of contraction. It first meets the wind, and it is farthest removed from the heat of warmth in the head. But a circumstance of equal, or, perhaps, of greater importance on this subject, is that the inhabitants of frozen climates naturally drawing their breath more through the nose than through the mouth, thereby direct the greatest impulse of the air on that feature, and the parts adjacent. Such a continual stream of air augments the cold, and by increasing the contraction of the parts, restrains the freedom of their growth.
" Hence, likewise, will arise an easy solution of the next peculiarity, the prominence of the forehead. The superior warmth and force of life in the brain that fills the upper part of the head, will naturally increase its size, and make it overhang the contracted parts below."

Yet, on this subject, his foundation is secure, for he is only explaining the differences of, confessedly, the same race in different climates. It is, however, impossible to accumulate more false physiology, or more erroneous facts, in a familiar space. If he looks at the Laplanders and the Esquimaux, the description will be found not to be just. The theory then must of course be erroneous.

Another cause of apparent change, and a very important one. if we look at its influence, is expression, in consequence of the state of society.
" Every object that impresses the senses, and every emotion that rises in the mind, affects the features of the face the index of our feelings, and contributes to form the infinitely various countenance of man. Paucity of ideas creates a vacant and unmeaning aspect. Agreeable and cultivated scenes compose the features, and render them regular and gay. Wild, and deformed, and solitary forests tend to impress on the countenance, an image of their own rudeness. Great varieties are created by diet and modes of living. The delicacies of refined life give a soft and elegant form to the features. Hard fare, and constant exposure to the injuries of the weather, render them coarse and uncouth. The infinite attentions of polished society give variety and expression to the face. The want of interesting emotions leaving its muscles lax and unexerted, they are suffered to distend themselves to a larger and grosser size, and acquire a soft unvarying swell that is not distinctly marked by an idea. A general standard of beauty has its effect in forming the human countenance and figure. Every passion and mode of thinking has its peculiar expression - And all the preceding characters have again many variations according to their degrees of strength, according to their combinations with other principles, and according to the peculiarities of constitution or of climate, that form the ground on which the different impressions are received."

This is, in general, extremely just; but expression neither flattens the nose, raises the forehead, or bends the legs; much less does it give a variety to the more internal conformations in which the Negro differs from the European. The Native American approaches nearer to us than the Negro; yet let us attend to dr. Smith with all the impressions of a preconceived hypothesis on this mind. He is describing an Indian youth at the college.
" There is an obvious difference between him and his fellow-students in the largeness of the mouth, and thickness of the lips, in the elevation of the cheek, in the darkness of the complexion, and the contour of the face. But these differences are sensibly diminishing. They seem the faster to diminish in proportion as he loses that vacancy of eye, and that lugubrious wildness of countenance peculiar to the savage state, and acquires the agreeable expression of civil life. The expression of the eye, and the softening of the features to civilized emotions and ideas, seems to have removed more than half the difference between him and us. His colour, though it is much lighter than the complexion of the native savage, as is evident from the stain of blushing, that, on a near inspection, is instantly discernible, still forms the principle distinction. There is less difference between his features and those of his fellow-students, than we often see between persons in civilized society. After a careful attention to each particular feature, and comparison of it with correspondent feature in us, I am now able to discover but little difference. And yet there is an obvious difference in the whole countenance."

This struggle between facts and theory is violent; but let us extract, in a few words, the truth. The features remain, the difference is in expression. Let us mention another fact: where the likeness does not depend on the colour and the form of the eye, the resemblance between the features of children and their parents is most obvious when asleep; and, in some instances, it has appeared striking in the dead body, though observable in life. Frequent intercourse will give a general similarity: this fact our author has made the most of; but he allows that it neither changes the shape of the nose or lips in an African; and we can allow, in turn, that it changes the expression so much, that a nose and lips, till they examined, will almost seem changed.

The effects of civilization, and the melioration, if the world may be allowed, of the species, by introducing into the South, the fairer and more sanguine daughters of the North, our author has well explained. He has shown too, which sufficient accuracy, the effects of hard living, severe treatment, filth, and exposure to the weather. We can only say, that these have produced little effect on his argument; for the same race, in better situations, have recovered their former distinguishing marks.

Dr. Smith afterwards traces the different objections to his system, and allows, that in the same parallels of latitude the complexion is different. If we examine the globe, we shall find a very considerable diversity in countries where the heat and driness are nearly the same. Let us take the 20th degree of latitude, which is within the tropic of Cancer, and passes directly through the kingdom of the Negroes. It cuts Nubia, where the inhabitants are not black; Arabia almost in its wildest part: but Arabians are only swarthy, and, when transported to more temperate climes, are almost fair. It divides the Decan, where those best defended from the heat are only brown, and the poorer sort of darkish hue, very different from black; passes through Siam and China; the kingdom of Mexico; and the south western end of Cuba. In the vast extent, we meet often with as great heat, nearly as much drought, but with a race of beings as dissimilar as can be supposed. In the more southern regions, we meet with greater heat and less moisture, but people differing greatly from the Negros, whose peculiarity is attributed to these causes alone. It is contended, that in Borneo we meet with a race of Negros. If this be true, we admit the whole system. From all we have heard, from all we have seen or read, the native inhabitants are very different. Their skin is, indeed, a shining olive; but their noses are not flat, their forehead are not raised, and their lips often thin. The Aborigines must not be confounded with the Malays on the coast, who are pf a blacker hue, though far distant from the Negro race.

Dr. Smith concluded with some remarks and strictures on that part of lord Kaims's 'Sketches of the Histo- of Man,' where he contends that there is more than one race. The charge of infidelity is pretty liberally scattered. Lord Kaims's religious sentiments are not now at issue, and we think too, that he has defended this argument weekly. Our author, on the other hand, is not always candid or just in his strictures.

Dr. Smith may, in his turn, ask how many species of men there are? We dare not answer this question; for our knowledge is not yet sufficiently extensive. From the proposed expedition to explore the inland parts of Africa, an expedition formerly thought of and almost on the point of being carried into the execution, we may expect much information on this subject. At present, we can perceive only, with some clearness the European of Tacitus, the Negro, the Hun, and the American. The Chinese, the Hindoo, or the Malay, may have descended from the stock of Europeans, and may have produced the Americans: we speak only of what is pretty clearly defined; though, if the latter suggestions be admitted, the last must be excluded from the rank of a different species. We have not mentioned the Albinoes, who are evidently a degenerated race: we have not made any remarks on the supposed change of colour in the Jews in Abyssinia, because it is not yet ascertained.

The English editor has added notes to this essay, which shew him to be possessed of no inconsiderable knowledge. He agrees, however, almost entirely with dr. Smith, whose opinions he sometimes explains, and often endeavors to confirm.

We must not leave this enquiry, without remarking, that whatever conclusion we form of the distinct species, it ought not to affect the work of humanity on securing a better treatment to the Negros. If they are found to be of a different species, they are still men; and if it appears that our own rank in the creation is the superior one, it should only suggest that mercy and compassion which we hope for from beings infinitely superior to ourselves.

At any rate, a work of benevolence and importance ought not, in the slightest degree, to be influenced by a speculative question - by a question which it is possible will never be decided.

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I Have read the observations of two sets of the reviewers in England on dr. Smith's essay, on the causes of the variety of complexion and figure among mankind. The monthly reviewers speak of that essay with approbation. The critical reviewers on the other hand, who generally make it a point, if possible, to differ from the monthly, condemn the structure, the philosophy, and the stile of the essay. The stile they say is diffusive, the philosophy not sufficiently supported by facts, or well enough reasoned; and the structure not scientific. They have, however, done the essay, short as it is, the honour of a very long and laboured criticism, and have undertaken to reason on the opposite side of the question, which, I make no doubt, will, with every intelligent person, who shall carefully read both, be much in favour of the doctor's performance. The gentleman with whom these reviewers have entrusted the fabricating of this criticism is evidently an anatomist, and probably not much more. After apologizing to religion, for attacking the essay, they proceed to blame the structure of it. They say that "a philosopher would have examined the various figures and complexions of mankind," as if this examination did not run through the whole essay. But they add, "he should have distinguished what was decidedly the effect of climate and habit, from what is more permanent" - that is, he should have drawn the picture of a man entirely free from the modifications of every climate, and upon whom all climates act to produce their respective changes. With their leave, that is an absurdity; no man exists free from the modifying influence of some climate - and therefore the picture of such a man cannot be drawn. It is impossible to say, at this distance of time, what the first man was; but we have a general idea of the animal man sufficient for our purpose in this discussion, without the anatomical exactness which they require; and which, in this case is not attainable. They seem to require it only because it is impossible; that thereby the question may never be capable of a decision. I defy any anatomist, and even a reviewing anatomist, to tell the exact length of the nerves, the precise stain of the membrane immediately below the scarf skin, and other particulars of a similar kind that compose the general idea of the human species: or which compose that body upon which all accidental, climatical, or other changes are impressed. The dr. therefore was perfectly right in not attempting what is in its nature impossible, or at least beyond the present measure of human knowledge.

They proceed, so loose and inconclusive is his reasoning that he has never enquired what really constitutes a different species. And then they tell us how the botanists have defined a species, and what attempts have been made to define a species among animals. They acknowledge that the true distinction of a species among animals has never been given, altho' they blame the writer of the essay for not doing it, and what is more, for not making it the foundation of all his following reasoning. Such a definition would necessarily have been attended with so much uncertainty, that no precise or certain philosophy should have been build upon it. In this instance at least the doctor has discovered himself to be a better philosopher than his reviewers. They presume, after struggling with the difficulty of species, and confessing that "in zoölogy, that species are not in reality ascertained with accuracy" to say that he ought to have adopted the botanical definition of a distinct species. "It is, say they, preserving the general and essential characters in changes of situation, and losing in time the accidental differences which climate and culture have produced." Now this definition requires us to ascertain what are the general and essential characters of the human species. These are not perfectly agreed upon by anatomists, nor reviewers themselves - but whenever they will be good enough to agree, and point them out, i will undertake to show from the essay, to any fair and philosophic reasoner, that the general and essential characters of human nature are preserved in all changes of situation, and that it loses, in time, accidental differences which climate and society have produced. "Another cause of inaccuracy, say them, is a very indefinite use of terms. We have dark, swarthy, and black, used with little discrimination." This is palpable misrepresentation - where, in the whole essay do they find black confounded with the dark and swarthy? on the other hand, if they were not so much biassed by an opposite system as to lose both attention and candour, they would have found the gradation of colour from the fair and sanguine, marked by dark, swarthy, olive, copper, the Abissinian black, and the jet black of Guinea.

But let the reader examine their criticism, in that part of it where they mention the different complexions under the 20th degree latitude, and then judge who is guilty of an indefinite use of terms. This degree, they say, "cuts Arabia almost in its widest part; but the Arabians are only swarthy?" The good gentlemen are either ignorant, or dishonest. The northern Arabians are indeed swarthy, as dr. Smith evidently understands that term. But the southern Arabians are as black as the Abissinians; that is, they are characterised by the intermediate grade of colour, between the copper, and the jet black, But they, with obvious duplicity, or want of information, range the whole country under one colour. They proceed to say, "it divides the Decan, where those best defended from the heat are only brown, and the poorer fort, of a darkish hue, very different from black. What do they mean by a brown, and a darkish, hue? The latter term is certainly much more indefinite than any in the essay. Besides, in any way in which the terms can be understood, their remark is totally false; and, if it does not proceed from great dishonourable cause. The most intelligent travellers inform is, that the poorer class of people are as lack as the Nubians, and much darker than our North American Indians - and I have seen six of them in this country, whose colour is verified these relations. They add - which, however, is not immediately connected with the indefinite use of terms, but is with the general argument -"It is contended that, in Borneo, we meet with a race of Negroes - If this be true, we admit the whole system." Then I say that whole system ought to be admitted; for we have the best evidence that the Borneans are just such as dr. Smith has described them - Not so black as the inhabitants of Guinea, but fully as black as those of Nubia; and their hair is short and curled. But, "the Aborigines, they say, must not be confounded with the Malays on the coast, who are of a blacker hue." Very right, and agreeable to the principles of the essay. Islanders are never so dark as continentals, in the same latitude; nor the inhabitants of mountains, so dark those of low lands. The centre of Borneo is a high mountainous country; and if all the inhabitants of the island would be less highly coloured than the low-landers.

They mention the striking differences that exist between the Huns, that Tartars, and the Greeks; and ask, "what climate gives the two former their peculiarity? What manners produce such a striking difference on the two latter?" Such questions might be asked a thousand times, after they had been as often solved, to prejudiced or careless readers. Those who read the essay with attention and discernment, will find these questions resolved, and a satisfactory reply made, to several of their remarks, in this part of their criticisms.
After pointing out "what dr. Smith should have done, they come to shew what he has done." They complain of his diffuseness on the subject of the bile, because it was "fortunately of great service to him:" and then say, "if however, he had proceeded to anatomical differences, he would have found the membrane, immediately under the scarf skin, black in the Negro; he would have found it tawny, when he was just born, and daily, grow blacker, before the bile had any colour, He would have found it in the America, of a copper colour, and in the European, of a reddish white." Be it so - And yet this fact, if it be a fact, does not militate against the general principles of the essay. The original causes of colour may be such as dr. Smith has pointed out, and, at least, plausibly established. He had proved at the same time, nearly to demonstration, that the causes which affect colour, produce such radical changes in the constitution as are communicated to offspring. If they found find the cellular membrane of an Indian, or a Negro, somewhat discoloured at the birth, they will find that of a brunette family proportionably discoloured, without militating against the identity of human race, or the principles of which complexion has been accounted for. But to minds, like theirs, already prepossessed in favour of a peculiar opinion, the slightest appearances afford an argument, which they are seldom pains to examine with accuracy, because they do not with to examine it. They say, that in Tartars and Negroes, "the shape of the skull and legs is different" from the shape of the same members in the whites. - Agreed - it is so - tho' not in the degree which they seem to imagine. And does not the essay acknowledge it? Does it not profess to account for the phenomenon, by throwing that the properties of parents are, in a degree, always transmitted to their children? Is not a consumptive habit transmitted? Will not a lady who has injured her own health, of shape, by too tight lacing, often shew the effects of it in her child? And why may not the head, in time, be affected, as well as the lungs, or the bowels? They proceed with equal wisdom to say, "the curly hair is very important difference. If our author had examined, he would have found it to proceed from the tortuosity of the pores, through which it proceeds." If they had examined, would they have found all curled hair to rise out of tortuous pores? If so, might not the tortuosity of the pores, rather proceed from the tortuosity of the hair, or the causes that produce it? Will the curvature of the root of the necessarily produce the curvature of that part that is out of the skin? Will tortuous pores, more than strait ones, necessarily check its growth, and render it short and sparse? What becomes of the tortuosity of the pores in the Negroes of this country whole hair is growing longer, thicker, and straiter? Oh! most excellent philosophers! The good gentlemen, however, are pleased to smile only at the doctor's Negro queue of six inches, which they say has been the growth of some ages, instead of three generations.

"The Malays, they add, in a hotter climate than this third race of Negroes in America, have, in no instance, where it is allowed to grow, hair so short." That is true, because the climate of Afra in general tends to long hair, as that of Africa does to short and curled hair. In the Asiatic islands, therefore, although they lie beneath the equator, the hair of a Malay will never become so short as that of a negro on the continent of Africa. But that it becomes shorter in the equatorial regions, even of Asia, than in the peninsulas of Arabia, and the two Indias, is a striking verification of the principles of dr. Smith's essay. The hair of the Negroes who have been removed to America, although it is growing longer, and straiter, yet lengthens slowly, however, because, as the essay justly observes, the melioration is always much less rapid, than the deterioration of the human species. They have, in the next place, done dr. Smith the honour to make two pretty long quotations from him - one in their smiling humour, and the other in a more grave one. He has reason to be very much obliged to them, because every judicious reader can compare his stile and manner with theirs. After the former quotation, indeed, notwithstanding the extreme good humour in which they made it, they acknowledge, that, "on this subject, his foundation is secure." - But they add, "it is, however, impossible to accumulate more false physiology, or more erroneous facts, in similar space. If he looks at the Laplanders and the Esquimaux, the description will be found not to just." Of the Esquimaux, at least, we in America can judge better than they: and dr. Smith need be under no apprehension of not being able to prove, by the most indubitable facts, that the description he has given of them is characteristic and just. After the second quotation, they acknowledge the propriety of his reflexions; but object to them, "that they are not sufficient to account for some phenomena," which he never intended to account for by them.

They then proceed to another quotation for which he ought to be equally obliged to them, as for the former. But let the well informed reader compare his remarks with theirs - I mean the remarks in the essay, which follow that quotation, and he will be at no loss in favour of which he ought to determine.

They have traced a parallel of latitude, in the 20th degree, round the globe, and have informed us, that a great variety of complexions exist under the same line. They ought, also, to have informed us, that the author of the essay has enumerated all those verities, and endeavoured to account for them; and on the justness, and the found philosophy of that account, I believe he may, with every candid and enlightened reader, risk his literary reputation.

They hope for considerable support to their opinion, from expeditions that are shortly to be undertaken into the heart of Africa. So may the Cartesians refute the Newtonian philosophy, by the expectation of future phenomena. But, even at present, that say "we can perceive with some clearness" that following distinct species of men - "the European of Tacitus, the Negro, the Hun, and the American." In a former part of their strictures, they had made the Hun clearly distinct from the Tartar. But that may have been only a small oversight - they continue - "the Chinese, the Hindoo, of the Malay, may have descended from the flock of Europeans, and may have produced the Americans." - This is a concession I did not expect. If they may have produced they American, both the tawny North-American, and the black Toupinambo of South-America, why not the blacker Negro of Africa? If they may have produced that Malay of Borneo with his curled hair and tortuous pores, why not the inhabitants of Guinea, or Monomotapa, although the tortuosity be a little greater? From such remarks as these, dr. Smith cannot possibly have any thing to fear; and is the principles of his philosophy are shaken, it must be by a very different kind of arguments. They allow, it the conclusion, that the English editor of dr. Smiths' essay, possess no inconsiderable knowledge, who has added nothing to explain and confirm the doctor's opinions. It is certainly somewhat in favour of the merits of that essay, that it has gone through two editions in Britain, and that it has been thought worthy of the annotations of a philosopher of genius and information.

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The distress which the inhabitants of Guinea experience at the loss of their children, who are stolen from them by the persons employed in the slave trade, is, perhaps, more thoroughly felt than described. But, as it is a subject to which every person has not [attempted], the following is an attempt to represent the anguish of a mother, whose son and daughter were taken from her by a ship's crew belonging to a country where the God of justice and mercy is owned and worshipped.
HELP! oh, help! thou God of christians!
Save a mother from despair -
Cruel white men steal my children;
God of christians! hear my pray'r.

From my arm by force they're rended,
Sailors drag them to the sea;
Yonder ship at anchor riding,
Swift will carry them away.
There my son lies, pale and bleeding;
Fast, with thongs his hands are bound;
See the tyrants, how they scourge him!
See his sides a reeking wound.
See his little sister by him,
Quaking, trembling, how she lies,
Drops of blood her face besprinkle;
Tears of anguish fill her eyes.
Now they tear her brother from her,
Down below the deck he's thrown;
Stiff with beating; through fear silent,
Save a single death-like groan.
Hear the little daughter begging,
"Take me white men for your own;
"Spare, oh spare my darling brother!
"He's my mother's only son.

"See upon the shore she's raving;
"Down she falls upon the sands;
"Now she tears her flesh with madness,
"now she prays with lifted hands.
"I am young, and strong, and hardy;
"He's a sick and feeble boy:
"Take me, whip me, chain me, starve me;
"All my life I'll toil with joy.

"Christians, who's the God ye worship?
"Is he cruel, fierce, or good?
"Does he take delight in mercy,
"Or in spilling human blood?
"Ah! my poor distracted mother!
"Hear her scream upon the shore"
Down the savage captain struck her,
Lifeless, on the vessel's floor.

Up his sails he quickly hoisted,
To the ocean bent his way;
Headlong plung'd the raving mother
From a high rock, in the sea.

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"AH! tell me, little mournful Moor,
"Why still you linger on the shore?
"Haste to your playmates, haste away,
"Nor loiter here with fond delay;
"When mourn unveil'd her radient eye,
"You hail'd me as I wander'd by,
"Returning at th' approach of eve,
"Your meek salute I still receive."

Benign enquirer, thou shalt know,
Why here my lonesome moments flow;
'Tis said, thy countrymen (no more Like rav'ning sharks that haunt the shore)
Return to raise, to bless, to cheer,
And pay compassion's long arrear;
'Tis said the num'rous captive train,
Late bound by the degrading chain,
'Mid smiling skies and western gales,
They come, with festive heart and glee,
Their hands unshackled -- minds as free;
They come, at mercy's great command,
To repossess their native land.

The gales that o'er the ocean stray,
And chace the waves in gentle play;
Methinks they whisper as they fly,
Juellen soon will thine eye;
'Tis this that sooths her little son,
Blends all his wishes into one.
Ah! were I clasp'd in her embrace,
I could forgive her past disgrace;
Forgive the memorable hour,
She fell a prey to tyrant pow'r;
Forgive her lost distracted air,
Her sorrowing voice, her kneeling pray'r.
The suppliant tear that gall'd her cheek,
And last, her agonizing shriek,
Lock'd in her hair, a ruthless hand,
Trail'd her along the flinty strand;
A ruffian train, with clamours rude,
Th' impious spectacle pursu'd;
Still as she mov'd, in accents wild,
She cried aloud, 'my child! my child!'
The lofty bark she now ascends,
With screams of woe, the air she rends',
The vessel less'ning from the shore,

Her piteous wails I heard no more,
Now as I stretch'd my last survey,
Her distant form dissolv'd away. -
That day is past - I cease to mourn -
Succeeding joy shall have its turn.
Beside the hoarse resounding deep,
A pleasing anxious watch I keep.
For when the morning clouds shall break,
And darts of day the darkness streak,
Prechance, along the glitt'ring main,
(Oh! may this hope not throb in vain)
To meet these long-desiring eyes,
Juellen and the sun may rise.

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The sun, declining, pass'd the western hills,
And gentle breezes curl'd the winding rills
The moon in silent majesty arose,
And weary negroes fought for calm repose.
Scorch'd by the burning sun's meridian ray,
All wish'd refreshment from the blaze of day -
O'erwhelm'd with grief, and mad with fell despair,
Forsook the grove. On Afric's burning shore
He'd left his friends his absence to deplore;
His wife, his children, in their native land,
(Subjected to a tyrant's curs'd command)
In poverty and wretchedness retire;
Nor know the friend, the husband, or the fire.
Such sad reflexions never left his breast,
His eyes forgot the balmy sweets of rest;
His tongue forgot to sing the songs of joy,
No more did mirth or love his hours employ;
Far from his little children's much lov'd face,
And doom'd to bear forever slav'ry's chain,
To grieve, to sigh, alas! to live in vain.
O christians! fiends to our unhappy race,
Why do we wear those ensigns of disgrace?
Did nature's God create us to be slaves,
Or is it pride, which God's decree outbraves?
Had he design'd that we should not be free,
Why do we know the sweets of liberty?
He could no more; but mounting on a rock,
Whose shaggy sides o'erhung the silver brook -
Thence tumbling headlong down the steepest side,
He plung'd, determin'd, in the foaming tide.
His mangled carcass floated on the flood,
And stain'd the silver winding stream with blood.

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SOME years ago, Paul Wilmot, a quaker, native of Philadelphia, having settled in Jamaica, retired to a plantation beautifully situated on the declivity of a mountain, near the centre of the island. His family consisted of a wife and three young children. He possessed a number of slaves, whose looks and whole appearance betokened that their servitude was not grievous. Indeed Wilmot was one of those benevolent characters, that consider the wide world as their country, and the whole human race as their brethren. His negroes were distributed into little families. Among them were no dissentions, no jealousies, no thefts, no suicides, no conspiracies: the labours of the day gave place in the evening to the song and the dance; and they retired to rest, with hearts full of gratitude, satisfaction, and consent.

About this time, a negro of Benin, know by the name of John, had instigated the slaves of two rich plantations to revolt, to massacre their masters, and to fly to the mountain. This mountain is in the middle of the island; it is almost inaccessible, and is surrounded with fruitful valleys, which are inhabited by negroes. These, having formerly deserted their services, settled in those valleys, from whence they often made cruel sallies upon their former masters; but now they seldom rise, except to revenge their brethren, who fly to them for refuge, from insupportable persecution. John had been chosen chief of the those negroes, and had issued from the vallies with a considerably body of followers. The alarm was soon spread in the colony; troops were marched to the mountain, and soldiers distributed in those plantations that were defensible.

Wilmot assembled his slaves. "My friends," he said, "there are arms; if I have been a hard master to you, use them against me; but if I have behaved to you as an affectionate father, take them as assist me in defending my wife and my children." The negroes seized upon the arms, and swore they would die in his defence, and in the defence of those that were dear to him. Amongst his slaves there was one, named Francisco, whom a friend of Wilmot's, called Filmer, had found abandoned on the shore of a Spanish colony; he had been barbarously maimed, and one of his legs was newly cut off; a young negro woman was employed in stopping the blood, and in weeping the inefficacy of her cares. She had beside her a child but of a few days old. They belonged to a Spaniard, who had taken this revenge on the negro, for abetting Marianne, the women, in her rejection of some dishonourable proposals which her master had made to her. Filmer purchased them of the Spaniard, who pretended that he had thus treated the negro, because he had surprised him performing the abominable ceremonies of the religion of Benin. Wilmot received them of his friend, who now also lived in his family. Marianne became the favourite of his wife; and Francisco, by his good sense and his knowledge of agriculture, acquired the confidence of Wilmot, and the esteem of everyone.

This man came to his master at the beginning of the night. "The chief of the blacks," says he, "is a native of Benin; he adores the Great Orissa, the Lord of life, and the Father of mankind; he must, therefore, be guided by justice and benevolence: he comes to punish the enemies of the children of Orissa; but you who have consoled them in their misery, he will respect. Let him know by one of our brethren of Benin, how you have treated your slaves, and you will see those warriors fire their muskets in the air, and throw their spears at you feet." His advice was followed, and a messenger dispatched to John.

When a day appeared, it discovered a scene of desolation. Most of the houses within view, were on fire, and the plantations laid waste. In a few places, the cattle were seen feeding in security; but n most, the men and animals were discovered flying across the country, pursued by the exasperated negroes. John had given orders to spare neither man, woman, or child, in the places where his brethren had been harshly treated; in the others, he contended himself with giving liberty to the slaves, but he set fire to every house that was deserted. In his course he proceeded tot the plantation of Wilmot, with a detachment of thirty men.

John, or rather Zimeo, (for the revolted negroes quit the names they have received on their arrival in the colonies,) was a young man , about two and twenty years of age; the statues of Apollo and Antinous do not shew more regular features, or more beautiful proportions. He had an air of grandeur, and seemed born for command. He was still warm from the fight; but, in accosting Wilmot and Filmer, his eyes expressed affection and good-will; the most opposite sentiments shewed themselves by turns in his countenance; he was almost, in the same moment, sorrowful and gay, furious and tender, "I have avenged my race," said he, "and myself; think nit hardly, ye men of peace, of the unfortunate Zimeo; shrink not at the blood with which he is covered; it is that of the inhuman; it is to terrify the wicked that I set no bounds to my vengeance." Then turning to the slaves, "choose," says he, "whether you will follow me to the mountain, or remain with your master." But the negroes falling at the feet of Wilmot, swore, with one voice, that they would rather die than leave him; that he had been father to them, rather than a master; and that their servitude had been a blessing, rather than a bondage.

At this scene Zimeo was affected and agitated with various emotions; lifting up to heaven his eyes, that were ready to overflow, "O Great Orissa!" cred he, "thou who hast formed the heart, look down on these grateful men, these true men, and punish the barbarians that despite us, and treat us as we do not treat the beasts that thou hast made for our use!"

After this exclamation, he gave the hand of friendship to Wilmot and Filmer; "thanks to Orissa," says he, "I have found some whites that I can love! my destiny is in your power, and all the riches I have made myself master of, shall be yours, in return for the favour I have to ask of you."

Wilmot assured him that he would, without recompence, do him any service that was in his power: he invited him to repose himself, and ordered refreshments to be brought for his attendants.

"My friend," said he, "the great Orissa knows that Zimeo is not naturally cruel; but the whites have separated me from all I hold dear; from the wife of Matomba, who was the friend and the guide of my youth; and from the young beauty, who was my heart's whole treasure. Think not hardly, ye men of peace, of the unfortunate Zimeo. You can procure him a ship, and you can conduct home to the place where those are detained, who are necessary to his existence."

At this moment, a young slave, a native of Benin, coming to speak with Wilmot, no sooner cast his eyes on Zimeo, than he gave a shriek, and retired with the greatest precipitation. Zimeo was silent for a moment, when, turning to Wilmot and his friend, "listen, ye men of peace," said he, "to the story of my misfortunes; and acknowledge that I deserve your pity rather than your detestation.

"The great Damel, sovereign of Benin, whole heir I am, sent me, according to the ancient custom of the kingdom, to be educated by the husbandmen of Onebo. I was given in charge to Matomba, the wisest among them, the wisest of men. At the court of my father, his counsel had often prevented evil, and been productive of good. While he was yet young he retired to that village, in which, for ages, the heirs of the empire have been educated. There Matomba enjoyed all the pleasures that a benign sky, a bountiful soil, and a good conscience can bestow. In the village of Onebo, there were no animosities, no idleness, no deceit, no designing priests, no hardness of heart. The young princes had none but the most excellent examples before their eyes. The wife Matomba made me lose those sentiments of pride, and of indolence, that the court and my earlier instructors had inspired me with. I laboured the ground, like my master and his servants: I was instructed in the operations of agriculture, which makes all our riches: I was taught the necessity of being just, a duty of incumbent on all men, that they may be able to educates their children, and cultivate their fields in peace; and I was shewn, that princes, like the labourers of Onebo, must be just towards on another, that they and their subjects may live happy and contended.

"My master had a daughter, the young Ellaroe; I loved her, and soon found that my passion was returned. We had both of us preserved our innocence inviolate; I saw no other in the creation but her; she saw no other but me, and we were happy. Her parents turned this passion to our mutual advantage. I was obedient to every command Matomba, in the hope of making myself worthy of Ellaroe; and the hope of preserving her place in my heart, made every duty delightful to her. My attainments were all due to her, and hers to me. Five years and we thus spent, with increasing attachment, when I demanded permission of my father to espouse Ellaroe. O how I cherished the thought, that she would be my companion on the throne, and my friend in every period of life!

"I was expecting the answer of my father, when two merchants of Portugal arrived at Onebo. They bought, for sale, some implements of husbandry, several articles for domestic use, and some articles of dress, for women and children. We gave them ivory in exchange, and gold dust. They would have purchased slaves, but none, except criminals, are sold in Benin; and there were none of those in the village of Onebo. I questioned them with regard to the arts and the manners of Europe. I found in your arts many superfluities, and in your manners much contradiction. You know the passion which the blacks have for music and dancing. The Portuguese had many instruments unknown to us; and every evening they plated on them the gayest and most enchanting airs. The young people of the village gathered together, and danced around them; and there I danced with Ellaroe. The strangers brought us from their ships the most exquisite wines, with liquors and fruits that were delicious to our taste. They sought our friendship, and we loved them truly. They informed us, one day, that they were now obliged to leave us, and to return t their country: the news affected the whole village, but no one more that Ellaroe. They told us, with tears, the day of their departure; they said they would leave us with less regrets, if we would give them an opportunity to testify their regard, by entertaining us on board their ships: the pressed us to repair to them the next morning, with the young men and the prettiest girls of the village. Accordingly, conducted by Matomba, and by some old people for the sake of decency, we set off for the ships.

"Onebo is but five miles from the sea, and we were upon the shore an hour after sunrise. We saw two vessels at a little distance from each other: they were covered with branches of trees, the sails and the cordage were loaded with flowers. As soon as our friend perceived us, they founded their instruments, and welcomed us songs. The concert and the decorations promised a delightful entertainment. The Portuguese came to receive us; they divided our company, and an equal number went on board each ship. Two guns were fired; the concert ceased; we were loaded with irons; and the vessels set sail.

HERE Zimeo stopt for a moment, then resuming his story: -"yes, my friends," said he, "these men, to whom we had been prodigal of our wealth and of out confidence, carried us away, to sell us with the criminals they had purchased at Benin. I felt at once the misery of Ellaroe. of Matomba, and myself. I loaded the Portuguese with reproaches and threats: I bit my chains, and wished I could die: but a look from Ellaroe changed my purpose. The monster had not separated me from her. Matomba was in the other vessel.

"Three of our young men, and a young girls, found means to put themselves to death. I exhorted Ellaroe to imitate their example; but the pleasure of loving and of being beloved, attached her to life. The Portuguese made her believe that they intended for us a lot as happy as we had formerly enjoyed. She hoped, at least, that we would not be separated, and that she might again find her father.

"After having, for some days, wept the loss of our liberty, the pleasure of being always together stopped the tears of Ellaroe, and abated my despair.

"In those moments, when we were not interrupted by the presence of our inhuman masters, Ellaroe would hold me in her arms, and exclaim, O, my friend! let us endeavour to support and encourage one another, and we shall resist, all they can do to us: assured of your love, what have I to complain of? and what happiness is it, that you would purchase as the expense of that which we now enjoy? These words infused into me extraordinary fortitude; and I had no fear but one - that of being separated from Ellaroe.

"We were more than a month at sea: there was little wind, and our course was slow; at last the winds failed us entirely, and it fell a dead calm. For some days, the Portuguese gave us no more food, that was barely sufficiently to preserve us alive.

"Two negroes, determined on death, refused every species of nourishment, and secretly conveyed to us the bread and the dates that were designed for them. I hid them with care, that they might be employed in preserving the life of Ellaroe.

"The calm continued; the sea, without a wave, presented one vast immoveable surface, to which our vessel seemed attached. The air was as still as the sea. The sun and the stars, in their silent course, disturbed not the profound repose that reigned over the face of the deep. Our anxious eyes were continually directed to that uniform and unbounded expanse, terminated only by the heaven's arch, that seemed to enclose us as in a vast tomb. Sometimes, we mistook the undulations of light for the motion of the waters; but that error was of short duration. Sometimes, as we walked on the deck, we took the resistance of the air for the agitation of a breeze; but no sooner had we suspended our steps, than the illusion vanished; and the image of famine recurring, presented itself to our minds with redoubled horror.

"Our tyrants soon reversed for themselves the provisions that remained, and gave orders, that a part of the blacks should be sacrificed as food for the rest. It is impossible to say, whether this order, or the manner in which it was received, affected me most. I read, on every face, a greedy satisfaction, a dismal terror, a savage hope. I saw those unfortunates companions of my slavery observe one another with voracious attention, and the eyes of tygers.

"Two young girls of the village of Onebo, who had suffered most by the famine, were the first victims. The cries of these unhappy wretches still resound in my ears; and I see the tears streaming from the eyes of their famished companions, as they devoured the horrid repast.

"The little provisions, which I had concealed from the observation of our tyrants, support Ellaroe and myself, so that we were sure of not being destined to the sacrifice. I still had dates, and we threw into the sea, without being observed, the horrid morsels that offered to us.

"The calm continuing, despondency began to seize even our tyrants; they became remiss in their attention to us; they observed us slightly, and we were under little restraint. One evening, when they retired, they left me on the deck with Ellaroe. When she perceived we were alone, she threw her arms around me, and I pressed her with rapture in mine. Her eyes beamed with an unusual expression of sensibility and tenderness. I had never in her presence experienced such ardour, such emotion, such palpitation, as at that moment. Long we remained thus enfolded in one another's arms, unable to speak. "O thou," said I at last. "whom I had chosen to be my companion on a throne, thou shalt at least be my companion in death." "Ah, Zimeo!" said she, "perhaps the great Orissa will preserve our lives, and I shall be thy wife." "Ellaroe," I replied, "had not these monsters by treachery prevailed, Damel would have chosen thee me for thy husband. My beloved Ellaroe, do we still depend upon the authority of Damel, and shall we now wait for orders that we can never receive? No, no far from our parents, torn from our country, our obedience is now due only to our hearts." "O, Zimeo!" cried she, bedewing my face with her tears. "Ellaroe," said I, "if you weep in a moment like this, you love not I as do. "Ah!" replied she, "observe, by the light of the moon, this unchangeable ocean; throw your eyes on these immoveable sails; behold, on the deck, the traces of the blood of my two friends; confider the little that remains of our dates, then - O Zimeo! be but my husband, and I shall be contented!"

"So saying, she redoubled her casresses. We swore, in presence of the great Orissa, to be united, whatever should be our destiny: and we gave ourselves up to numberless pleasures, which we had never before experienced. In the enjoyment of these, we forgot our slavery; the thoughts of impending death, the loss of empire, the hope of vengeance, all were forgotten, and we were sensible to nothing but the blandishments of love. At last, however, the sweet delirium ceased; we found ourselves deserted by every flattering illusion, and left in our former state; truth appeared in proportion as our sense regained their tranquility; out souls began to suffer unusual oppression; weighed down on every side, the calm we experienced was awful and dead, like the stillness of nature around us.

"I was roused from this despondency by a cry from Ellaroe; her eyes sparkled with joy; she made me observe the sails and the cordage agitated by the wind; we felt the motion of the waves; a fresh breeze sprung up, that carried the two vessels in three days to Porto-Bello.

"There we met Matomba; he bathed me with his tears; he embraced his daughter, and approved of our marriage. Would you believe it, my friends? the pleasure of rejoining Matomba, the pleasure of being the husband of Ellaroe, the charms of her love, the joy of seeing her safe from such cruel distress, suspended in me all feeling of our misfortunes: I was ready to fall in love with bondage; Ellaroe was happy her father seemed to reconciled to his fate. Yes, perhaps, I might have pardoned the monsters that had betrayed us; but Ellaroe and her father were sold to an inhabitant of Port-Bello, and I to a man of your nation, who carried slaves to the Antilles.

"It was then that I felt the extent of my misery; it was then that my natural disposition was changed; it was then imbibed that passion for revenge, that thrift of blood, at which I myself shudder, when I think of Ellaroe, whose image alone is able to still my rage.

"When our fate was determined, my wife and her father threw themselves at the feet of the barbarians that separated us; even I prostrated myself before them: ineffectual abasement! they did not even deign to listen to us. As they were preparing to drag me away, my wife, with wildness in her eyes, with outstretched arms, and shrieks that still rend my heart, rushed impetuously to embrace me. I disengaged my self from those who held me; I received Ellaroe in my arms; she infolded me in hers, and instinctively, by a sort of mechanical impulse, we clasped our hands together, and formed a chain round each other. Many cruel hands were employed, with vain efforts, to tear us asunder. I felt that these efforts would, however, soon prove effectual: I was determined to rid myself of life; but how leave in this dreadful world my dear Ellaroe! I was about to lose her forever; I had everything to dread; I had nothing to hope; my imaginations were desperate; the tears ran in streams over my face; I uttered nothing but frantic exclamations, or groans of despair, like the roarings of a lion, exhausted in unequal combat. My hands gradually loosened from the body of Ellaroe, and began to approach her neck. Merciful Orissa! the whites extricated my wife from my furious embrace. She gave a loud shriek of despair, as we were separated; I saw her attempt to carry her hands towards her neck, to accomplish, my fatal design; she was prevented; she took her last look of me. Her eyes, her whole countenance, her attitude, the inarticulate accents that escaped her, all bespoke the extremities of grief and of love.

"I was dragged on board the vessel of your nation; I was pinioned, and placed in such a manner as to make any attempt upon my life impossible; but they could not force me to take any sustenance. My new tyrants at first employed threats, at last they made me suffer torments, which whites alone can invent; but I resisted all.

"A negro, born at Benin, who had been a slave for two years with my new master, had compassion on me. He told me that we were going to Jamaica, where I might easily recover my liberty: he talked to me of the wild negroes, and of the commonwealth they had formed in the centre of the island; he told me that these negroes sometimes went on board English ships, to make depredations on the Spanish islands; he made me understand, that in one of those cruises, Ellaroe and her father might be rescued. He awakened in my heart the ideas of vengeance and the hopes of love. I consented to live; you now see for what. I am already revenged, but I am not satisfied till I regain the idols of my heart. If that cannot be, I renounce the light of the fun. My friends, take all my riches, and provide me a vessel -"

Here Zimeo was interrupted by the arrival of Francisco, supported by the young negro who so suddenly retired upon the fight of his prince. No sooner had Zimeo perceived them, than he flew to Francisco. "O, my father! O Matomba!" cried he, "is it you? do I indeed see you again? O Ellaroe!" "She lives," said Matomba; "she lives, she weeps your misfortunes, she belongs to this family."

"Lead me, lead me," - "See," interrupted Matomba, shewing him Wilmot's friend, "there is the man who saved us." Zimeo embraced by turns, now Matomba, now Wilmot, and now his best friend; then with wild eagerness, "lead me," he cried, "to my love." Marianne, or rather Ellaroe, was approaching; the same negro, who had met Matomba, had gone in quest of her; she came trembling, lifting her hands and eyes to heaven; and with tears in her eyes, in a faint voice, she could hardly utter, "Zimeo, Zimeo." She had put her child into the arms of the negro, and after the first transports and embraces were over, she presented the infant to her husband. "Zimeo, behold thy son! for him alone have Matomba and I supported life." Zimeo took the child, and killed him a thousand and a thousand times. "He shall not be a slave," cried he; "the son of my Ellaroe shall not be a slave to the whites." "But for him," said she, "but for him, I should have quitted this world, in which I could not find the man whom my soul loved." The most tender discourses at last gave place to the sweetest caresses, which were only suspended to bestow these caresses on their child. But soon their gratitude to Wilmot and his friend engrossed them wholly; and surely never did man, not even a negro, express this amiable sentiment so nobly and so well.

Zimeo, being informed that the English troops were on their march, made his retreat in good order. Ellaroe and Matomba melted into tears on quitting Wilmot. They would willingly have remained his slaves; they conjured him to follow them to the mountain. He promised to visit them there as soon as the peace should be concluded between the wild negroes and the colony. He kept his word; and went thither often, to contemplate the virtue, the love, and the friendship of Zimeo, of Matomba, and of Ellaroe.

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It is with peculiar satisfaction, we assure the friends of humanity, that, in prosecuting the design of our association, our endeavours have proved successful, far beyond our most sanguine expectations.

Encouraged by this success, and by the daily progress of that luminous and benign spirits of liberty, which is diffusing itself throughout the world - and humbly hoping for the continuance of the divine blessing on our labours - we have ventured to make an important addition to our original plan, and do, therefore, earnestly solicit the support and assistance of all who can feel the tender emotions of sympathy and compassion, or relish the exalted pleasure of beneficence.
Slavery is such an atrocious debasement of human nature, that its extirpation, if not performed with solicitous care, may sometimes open a source of serious evils.

The unhappy man, who has long been treated as a brute animal, too frequently sinks beneath the common standard of the human species. The galling chains, that bind his body do also fetter his intellectual faculties, and impair the social affections of his heart. Accustomed to move like a mere machine, by the will of the master, reflexion is suspended; he has not the power of choice; and reason and conscience have but little influence over his conduct: because he is chiefly governed by the passion of fear. He is poor and friendless - perhaps worn out by extreme labour, age and disease.

Under such circumstances, freedom may often prove a misfortune to himself, and prejudicial to society.

Attention to emancipated black people, it is therefore to be hoped, will become a branch of our
national police; but as far as we contribute to promote this emancipation, so far that attention is evidently a serious duty, incumbent onus, and which we mean to discharge to the best of our judgement and abilities.

To instruct - to advise - to qualify - those who have been restored to freedom, for the exercise and enjoyment of civil liberty- to promote habits of industry - to furnish them with employments suited to their age, sex, talents, and other circumstances - and to procure their children, an education calculated for their future situation in life - these are the great outlines of the annexed plan, which we have adopted, and which we conceive will essentially promote the public good, and the happiness of these our hitherto too much neglected fellow creatures.
A plan so extensive cannot be carried into execution, without considerable pecuniary resources, beyond the present ordinary funds of the society. We hope from the generosity of enlightened and benevolent freemen, and will gratefully receive any donations or subscriptions for this purpose, which may be made to our treasurer, James Starr, or to James Pemberton, chairman of our committee of correspondence.
Signed by order of the society,
B. FRANKLIN, president.
Philadelphia, 9th of Nov. 1789.

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The trustees of the school instituted for the education of negro children, feel themselves induced, from a sense of duty, and to promote the cause of humanity, to inform the public, that the benevolent design of enlightening a part of the community, is likely to succeed, and it is hoped will answer the most sanguine expectations of its patrons. The pupils have evidently made considerable proficiency in the different branches of learning, and, in some instances, a brightness of natural genius and understanding is apparent, which, like some latent quality in the human mind, hath lain, as it were, in a state of obscurity and inaction; hence the utility of early affording encouragement, whereby the natal powers in children may be expanded, and the faculties left at liberty to emerge from their narrow inclosures - great advantages are expected from a due attention to the education of youth, and from the apparent good which hath already resulted from this institution.

The trustees are encouraged to continue their care and zeal for its promotion; and notwithstanding the contributions of many have been liberal, yet the annual expense is such, that the income of the permanent fund being inadequate, they are obliged to have recourse to the society's general flock, to make up the deficiency; a circumstance they are anxious to avoid, and are therefore induced to solicit some further addition to said fund; that they may be enabled, not only to support the institution on its own basis, but extend its greater usefulness, by enlarging the original plan, which cannot be done, without an augmentation of resources to carry it into effect; and as this seminary may probably conduce to the advantages of the community, not only in respect to the benefits, which those, who are the more immediate objects of its care, will receive - but as it may qualify a race of beings, now sunk in stupid ignorance, to become safe and useful members of society - let us persevere in our wellmeant endeavors, to promote the cause of humanity, and, by a due attention, contribute all we well can, to the increase of support of this laudable undertaking.

The trustees are authorised to inform the public, that the children of slaves who are still held in bondage, will be (as well as those who are already liberated) admitted into the school, free expense, provided they have attained the age of nine years, and are capable of spelling words of one syllable.
Signed on behalf, and by direction of the trustees;
J. MURRAY, jun. clerk.
New York, 10th month, 24th, 1789.

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The business, relative to free blacks, shall be transacted by a committee of twenty-four persons, annually elected by ballot, at the meeting of this society, in the month called April; and in order to perform the different services, with expedition, regularity, and energy, this committee shall resolve itself into the following sub-committees, viz.
I.
A committee of inspection, who shall superintend the morals, general conduct, and ordinary situation of the free negroes, and afford them advice and instruction; protection from wrongs; and other friendly offices.
II.
A committee of guardians, who shall place out children and young people with suitable persons, that they may (during a moderate time of apprenticeship, or servitude) learn some trade of other business of subsistence. The committee may effect this partly by a persuasive influence on parents and the persons concerned; and partly by co-operating with the laws, which are, or may be enacted for this, and similar purposes; in forming contracts on these occasions, the committee shall secure to the society, as far as many be practicable, the right of guardianship, over the persons so bound.
III.
A committee of education, who shall superintend the school-instruction of the children and youth of free-black; they may either influence them to attend regularly the schools, already established in this city, or form others with this view; they shall, in either face, provide, that the pupils may receive such learning, as is necessary for their future situation in life; especially a deep impression of the most important, and generally acknowledged moral and religious principles. They shall also procure and preserve a regular record of the marriages, births, and manumissions, of all free blacks.
IV.
A committee of employ, who shall endeavour to procure constant employment for those free negroes, who are able to work: as the want of this would occasion poverty, idleness, and many vicious habits. This committee will, by sedulous enquiry, be enabled to find common labour for a great number; they will also provide, that such as indicate proper talents, may learn various trades, which may be done by prevailing upon them to bind themselves for such a term of years, as hall compensate their masters for the expense and trouble of instruction, and maintenance. The committee may attempt the institution of some useful and simple manufactures, which require but little skill, and also may assist, in commencing business, such as appear to be qualified for it.
Whenever the committee of inspection, shall find persons of any particular description, requiring attention, they shall immediately direct them to that committee, of whose care they are the proper subjects.
In matters of a mixed nature, the committees shall confer, and, if necessary, act in concert. Affairs of great importance ,shall be referred to the whole committee.
The expense, incurred by the prosecution of this plan, shall be defrayed by a fund to be formed by donations, or subscriptions, for these particular purposes, and to be kept separate from the other funds of this society.
The committee shall make a report of their proceedings, and of the state of their flock, to the society, at their quarterly meetings, in the months called April and October.
Philadelphia, 26th, 1789.

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THE mate of a ship, engaged in the slave trade, who was in the long boat, purchased a young woman, with a fine child, of about a year old, in her arms. In the night, the child cried much, and disturbed his sleep. He rose up in great anger, and swore, that if the child did not cease making such a noise, he would presently silence it. The child continued to cry. At length he rose up a second time, tore the child from the mother, and threw it into the sea. The child was soon silenced indeed; but it was not so easy to pacify the woman. She was too valuable to be thrown overboard; and he was obliged to bear the sound of her lamentations, until he could put her on board his ship.

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A Captain of a slave ship, whose water was nearly exhausted, and who expected a mortality among his slaves, threw one hundred of them overboard. The loss was hereby to fall on the underwriters, who, had they died on board, would not have been obliged to pay for them!

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Some years since, in one of the French West India islands, a slave was tortured for a slight offence, of which he was not even guilty. Stung with resentment - and agitated by the feelings of a Zanga, he seized upon the children of his cruel and unfeeling oppressor; and carried them on the roof of the house. When the tyrant master was approaching to enter his dwelling, he beheld his youngest son dashed to pieces at his feet; he lifted up his eyes, and saw the second falling likewise. Seized with despair, he fell on his knees to implore, in great agitation, the life of the third: but the fall also of the last of his offspring, together with that of the revengeful negro, plunged him into the lowest abyss of misery and despair.

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NOTWITHSTANDING the recommendations of the word of God, "not to muzzle even the ox, when he treadeth out the corn," nor "to rebuke the needy passenger, who plucks an ear of wheat for his necessity," yet in Jamaica, and in other islands, the poor African, whose lot is cast in the most severe of all cases, hard labour, without pity or reward, is not suffered, either through hunger or desire, to taste the growing work, that ripens, under his hand. The threat - the terror of the lash, and even its severer smart, are not enough to satisfy the planter's avarice; the slave's mouth must be muzzled. The instruments is of iron; an oval rim, about half an inch broad, surrounds the face; the lower part of which, as high as the bottom of the nose, is filled up with a thin plate of iron, perforated with small holes, on the inside of which is fixed a square piece of iron, which runs into the mouth, and presses down down the tongue to its roots. This mask is flattened on this; from the forehead runs an iron as broad as the above rim, over the head, and down behind to the collar bone, where it meets two familiar rims, that come from the bottom, near the cheeks, round the neck, and join behind, through an eye in the back rim, whereupon is fixed a padlock; the weight of which is discretionary.
This muzzle has another use, viz. to prevent our injured fellow creatures from being heard when they are writhing under the severity of the merciless lash - Kingston, April 11, 1789

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QUASHI was brought up in the family with his master, as his play-fellow, from his childhood. Being a lad of parts, he rose to be driver, or black overseer, under his master, when the plantation fell to him by succession. He retained for his master the tenderness which he had felt in childhood for his playmate; and the respect with which the relation of master inspired him, was softened by the affection which the remembrance of their boyish intimacy kept alive in his breast. He had no separate interest of his own, and, in his master's absence, redoubled his diligence, that his affairs might receive no injury from it. In short, here was the most delicate, yet most strong, and seemingly indissoluble tie, that could bind master and slave together.

Though the master had judgment to know when he was well served, and policy to reward good behaviour, he was inexorable, when a fault was committed; and when there was but an apparent cause of suspicion, he was too apt to let prejudice usurp the place of proof. Quashi could not exculpate himself to his satisfaction, for something done, contrary to the discipline of the plantation, and was threatened with the ignominious punishment of the cart-whip; and he knew his master too well, to doubt of the performance of his promise.

A negro, who has grown up to manhood, without undergoing a solemn cart-whipping, (as some by good chance will) especially if distinguishing by any accomplishment among his fellows, takes pride in what he calls the smoothness of his skin, and its being [unraised] by the whip; and he would be at more pains, and use more diligence to escape such cart whipping, than many of our lower sort would use to shun the gallows. It is not uncommon for a sober, good negro to stab himself mortally, because some boy overseer has flogged him, for what he reckoned a triflees, or for his caprice; or threatened him with a flogging, when he thought he did not deserve it. Quashi dreaded this mortal wound to his honour, and slipt away, unnoticed, with a view to avoid it.

It is usual for slaves, who expect to be punished for their own faults, or their master's caprice, to go to some friend of their master's, and beg him to carry them home, and mediate for them. This is found to be so useful, that humane masters are glad of the pretence of such mediation, and will secretly procure it, to avoid the necessity of punishing for trifles; it, otherwise, not being prudent to pass over, without correction, a fault once taken notice of; while, by this method, an appearance of authority and discipline is kept up, without the severity of it. Quashi, therefore, withdrew, resolving to shelter himself, and save the glossy honours of his skin, under favour of this custom, till he had an opportunity of applying to an advocate. He lurked among his master's negro huts; and his fellow slaves had too much honour, and too great a regard for him, to betray to their master the place of his retreat. Indeed, it is hardly possible, in any case, to getone slave to inform against another; much more honour have they than Europeans of low condition.

The following day, a feast was kept, on account of his master's nephew then coming of age; amidst the good humour of which, Quashi hoped to succeed in his application; but before he could execute his design - perhaps just as he was setting out to solicit this mediation - his master, while walking about the fields, fell in with him. Quashi, on discovering him, ran off, and the master, who is a robust man, pursued him. A stone, or a clod, tripped Quashi up, just as the other reached out his hand to seize him. They fell together, and wrestled for the mastery; for Quashi was a stout man, and the elevation of his mind added vigour to his arm. At last, after a severe struggle, in which each had been several times uppermost, Quashi got firmly seated on his master's breast, now panting and out of breath, and with his weight, his thighs and one hand secured him motionless. He then drew out a sharp knife, and, while the other lay in dreadful expectations, helpless, and shrinking into himself, he thus addressed him: 'master, I was bred up with you from a child: your playmate when a boy; I have loved you as myself; your interest has been my study; I am innocent of the cause of your suspicion; had I been guilty, my attachment to you might have pleaded for me - yet you have condemned me to a punishment, of which I must ever have borne the disgraceful marks - this only can I avoid them.' With these words, he drew the knife with all his strength across his own throat, and fell down dead, without a groan, on his master, bathing him in his blood.

[Excerpt created by crowdsourcing, p434]
At a late public sale of negro slaves, at Santa Cruz, among the great numbers that christian avarice had been either the immediate or secondary means of placing on a level with the cattle, daily brought to market, were two, each of them apparently about the age of 30, whose deportment seemed superior to the rest. What their rank had really been, they, with sullen dignity, seemed resolved to conceal from every one. Yet, mingled with a haughty manner to all besides, there appeared in every look and action, the tenderest affection and heart-felt attachment to each other. When the captain of the vessel, which had brought them thither, entered on the necessary business of distributing the slaves into proper lots for sale, both of them, in the most submissive manner, and with the eagerness that spoke more than common feelings, clung round his knees, and hung about his garment, intreating him only to favour them, so far as to permit them both to be appointed to the same lot, by which means they might serve one master, and at least enjoy the trifling satisfaction of being companions, even in slavery. But even this poor request itself, either through the brutality of the salesman, or from apprehensions of their combining in some mutinous design, was denied them.

Yet, earnest as they seemed in their desire, the refusal was received with manly resignation by them both; and when upon the point of being delivered to their respective masters, they only begged the leave of a few words with one another, permitted our of hearing, though not out of fight of those they were to serve. This was allowed them, and after a few minutes conversation, and a close embrace, they were sent to their respective stations. Seven days after the transaction, they were both missing at the same hour; nor were they, through the strictest search was made after them, to be found; 'till at a week's distance, a planter riding through a thicket, which lay in the midway between the two plantations they had been destined to, saw, to his great surprise, two bodies hanging on one tree, locked fast in each other's arms, embracing and embraced; which, on enquiry made, proved to be the faithful, yet desperate friends.
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Historical Era: The New Nation, 1783-1815

Subjects: AbolitionReform MovementAfrican American HistorySlaveryCongressPoliticsScience and TechnologyFreemenBlack Lives in the Founding EraTranscript Project: Black Lives in the Founding EraTranscript Available

Sub Era: The Early Republic

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