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Adams, John Quincy (1767-1848) to William Plumer

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Gilder Lehrman Collection #: GLC00529.03 Author/Creator: Adams, John Quincy (1767-1848) Place Written: St. Petersburg, Russia Type: Autograph letter signed Date: 13 May 1812 Pagination: 4 p. ; 23 x 19 cm. Order a Copy

Discusses his isolation and the lack of fresh news, his criticisms the writings of a man named Walsh (probably Robert Walsh), his opposition to War of 1812, and his inability to write openly because his letters are opened and read in transit. Adams was then minister to St. Petersburg. Plumer was then Governor of New Hampshire. Document paginated 285-88 at top center.

Hon: William Plumer Epping (N. H.)
St: Petersburg 13. May. 1812
Dear Sir.
Although more than three Months have passed away since I had the pleasure of receiving your favour of 25. October last, I have hitherto had no safe opportunity by which I could have transmitted to you the acknowledgement of its receipt - It is but a few days since the Wall of Ice which bars all intercourse with America, more than half the year was broken, and another month at least must elapse before a vessel can be dispatched from this frigid region.
I have seen only an occasional Boston Patriot, from time to time, during the last two years, and therefore know very little of their Contents - The publications to which you refer will furnish important materials for an American historian, and have doubtless contributed to rectify the public opinion concerning Events of a very interesting period.
I had seen since I left the United States only one member of the Boston Anthology; but I had known long before that there was nothing to support it but the spirit of faction - The Port Folio had for several years lived upon plunder from the English periodical Journals - Of the Register, I do not recollect having ever known so much as the name, untill you announced to me the publication of its Sixth Volume after the death of its Editor - I had read one or two of his pamphlets, which although manifesting an extent of knowledge seldom possessed by our political writers, had by no means tended to my edification - Mr Walsh's learned labours had also reached me - They had proved so acceptable in England, that sufficient care had been taken to circulate them from thence upon the Continent
[2] Walsh's talents appear to have excited in America a sort of enthusiasm of delusion, which has much abated since the appearance of his first work - His picture of England was utterly false, and adapted only to flatter the prejudices of that party among us, who having more money than wit, eagerly snatched at everything which with an appearance of information and argument furnished a prop to their darling delusions. He made a very feeble attempt to extricate himself from the net of his own misrepresentations by a semblance of Censure upon the British Administration then in power; but even that line of discrimination faint as it was made it impossible for him to pursue any system of politics without plunging himself into the most absurd inconsistencies. - The true picture of England would have been as dark and odious as he has made that of France - Had he presented it to the public, he would have shewn an independent Spirit, and a mind regardful of truth - But his book would have had fewer Editions in America and none at all in Europe; and he must have renounced the project of publishing a periodical Journal by subscription.
The proceedings in Congress, having relation to foreign affairs are generally noticed in the English newspapers and through them I receive information of them from time to time; though occasionally distorted by comments which have their primary source in America - But of the transactions in the State Legislatures, and even of their composition as respects parties, I hear little or nothing beyond the result of elections - your letters have contained the principal information of current politics that have found their way to me. Most of my other friends are deterred from writing by an apprehension which our experience has shewn to be too well founded that their letters if they ever reach me will have been broken open and read by others, on their way - The same consideration has often restrained me from writing and will now serve as my excuse to you, for saying only what privateersmen and admiralty judges, Lieutenants of Men of War and Ministers of State, pickpockets and highwaymen, by land or by Sea, may read without [3] temptation to divert it from its destination or pervert it to their own purposes.
In reflecting upon your observations with regard to the policy of a War with England, I am happy to find your opinion perfectly concurring with my own- We want neither provocation, nor Cause of War - But unfortunately neither the most righteous Cause, nor the most atrocious provocation are the principal objects of calculation, [struck: q] when the question is upon the policy of War - They decide indeed the question of its Justice; but have very little weight upon that of its Prudence - The effect of a War upon our National Character and Institutions would probably be great, and I hope favourable - That we should be destined to enjoy a perpetual Peace, however ardently humanity may desire it, cannot reasonably be expected - If War is not the natural State of human Society at all times, it is that of the age upon which we have fallen - The Spirit of Ambition, of Glory and of Conquest, burns in Europe with an intenseness beyond all former example - France and England are equally inflamed with it and consuming under it - The present prime Minister of England, who appears to be firmly rooted in that Station, has openly avowed the purpose of endless War - France, without making the profession, has a Government, whose temptations to War are far more alluring, and whose success by War has been far more fascinating than those which have inspired the British Delirium - The result however is the same - War is now the permanent political system of both Nations, and Conquest is the object of both - Neither our distance, nor the intervening Ocean can or will protect us from the consequences of this European Spirit, and its application sooner or later to ourselves - It has indeed already been applied partially to the only part of our lawful possessions which the power of the belligerents could reach; that is our rights upon the Ocean, and our Commerce - Partially I say, because even yet neither Britain no France has formally and officially interdicted all neutrality - But they have assumed the principle that neutral Commerce depends solely upon the toleration of the Belligerents, and they tolerate only as much as they [4] find necessary to their own purposes. If we should abandon our Commerce to the plunderers of Europe, it could not be long before we should be called to defend our territory against them - There are many among us who think we should wait for that moment, as the signal for resistance - It may be doubtful whether our Commerce is susceptible of defence by War, or worth the inevitable cost at which alone it can be defended…But to stay for the moment of invasion, to make preparation against it, would greatly increase its dangers and its calamities - Real preparation therefore, rather than present War, appears to be our wisest policy - And in the idea of preparation I include a deliberate consideration of all our latent resources; of our means offensive and defensive, and of the Spirit necessary to call them forth.
I forbear to say anything to you with regard to the political situation and prospects of the Country where I am, for the reasons that I have before intimated - If there is anything problematical in them at this moment, even to persons on the spot, it will be decided long before this letter can reach you, by Events which will fly upon the wings of every Wind, with a sound loud enough to make its way to every ear - In the transactions of the approaching Summer, here in the North of Europe, our own Country will have an interest, deeper than she may imagine - The fate of Europe itself is about to be committed once more to the issue of a trial by Battle; and although the issue is not yet completely madeup there is very little chance of a compromise between the parties without it.
I am with great respect, Dear Sir, your very humble and obedt Servt
John Quincy Adams

Adams, John Quincy, 1767-1848
Plumer, William, 1759-1850
Walsh, Robert, 1784-1859

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