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Minutes of the Proceedings of the Thirteenth American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery...

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Gilder Lehrman Collection #: GLC09328 Author/Creator: Place Written: s.l. Type: Printed document Date: 13 January 1812 Pagination: 48 p.

Summary of Content: "Minutes of the Proceedings of the Thirteenth American Convention for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and Improving the Condition of the African Race Assembled at Philadelphia..." Reports on schools for African-Americans, kidnapping, arrests of fugitive slaves, the African slave trade and the detention of ships engaged in the trade, and prints correspondence with London's African Institution. Representatives of the Manumission Society of New-York, the Abolition Societies of Pennsylvania, New York, and New Jersey attended the meeting, chaired by Thomas Pym Cope, prominent Philadelphia Quaker merchant.

Full Transcript:
[Draft Created by Crowdsourcing]
...On the Thirteenth day of January, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Twelve, and continued
by adjournments until the Sixteenth day of the same month, inclusive.



Philadelphia, January 13th, 1812.
THIS being the day appointed by the Constitution for the meeting of American Convention for promoting the Abolition of slavery, several gentlemen assembled at 10 o'clock A. M. Thomas P. Cope was appointed Chairman, and Benjamin Williams Secretary, pro tempore.
From the credentials produced, it appeared that Samuel Hicks, Thomas Collins, Willet Robbins, Jeremiah Thompson, Gilbert Shotwell, Mordecai Lewis, Thomas Tucker, Willet Seaman, Sylvanus F. Jenkins, and Joshua Underhill, had been appointed to represent the Manumission Society of New York, and Timothy Paxson, Thomas P. Cope, John Sergeant, Samuel Smith, Roberts Vaux, Joseph M. Paul, and Benjamin Williams, the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, in this Convention.

Of whom were present,
Thomas Collins,
Jeremiah Thompson,
Willet Seaman,
[of New York]
Thomas P. Cope,
John Sergeant,
Samuel Smith,
Joseph M. Paul,
Benjamin Williams,
Roberts Vaux,
[of Pennsylvania]

Not being quorum, on motion Resolved, That the chairman endeavour to ascertain whether the New-Jersey and Delaware Societies have appointed Delegates to this Convention, and report the result of his inquiries to the next meeting.
Resolved, that when this meeting adjourns, it will adjourn until tomorrow afternoon at 3 o'clock.

January 14th, 3 o'clock P. M.
Pursuant to adjournment to the undernamed gentlemen assembled.
THOMAS P. COPE, Chairman.
Thomas Collins, || Roberts Vaux,
Jeremiah Thompson, || Joseph M. Paul,
Willet Seaman, || Samuel Smith,
John Sergeant, || Benjamin Williams
The Chairman reported that he had been informed that the Delaware Society had not appointed a delegation to the present Convention; and that being unable to ascertain whether the New-Jersey Society had done so, he had written for information to a member of that Society in Trenton, from whom he had received no answer.
By a communication now produced, it appeared that Samuel Coleman and Joshua Newbold had been

appointed Representatives of the Abolition Society of New-Jersey; both of whom being present, and a quorum consequently formed, the Convention proceeded to the choice of officers. Roberts Vaux and the Secretary were appointed Tellers, from whose report, it appeared that the undernamed members were duly chosen, viz.
JOHN SERGEANT, Esq. President.
THOMAS P. COPE, Treasurer.
Communications from the Abolition Societies of New-York, New-Jersey, and Pennsylvania, were read, as follows, viz.
To the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the condition of the African Race, to be assembled at Philadelphia, on the thirteenth day of the present month.
THE "New-York Society for promoting the manumission of slaves, and protecting such of them, as have been, or may be liberated," acknowledge, with satisfaction, the due receipt of your Circular Address to the several Abolition Societies in the United States.
Believing the justice and humanity of the cause, in which we have mutually embarked ; and, that unity of sentiment and concert of action, are necessary to the attainment of our noble object, this society, readily, communicates the knowledge of such facts, as are deemed important, and, freely discloses its views, prospects, and opinions.
While we regret, that habitual prejudice, fostered by the most culpable ignorance; and selfish policy, which sanctions the sacrifice of justice and humanity at the shrine of cupidity and avarice, labour to the oppose the progress of the good work, in which we are engaged; we rejoice to find the public sentiment gradually becoming more in unison with the dic

tates of nature, and the principles of reason; and the public feeling more consonant with genuine philanthropy, and universal benevolence.
It has been afforded us satisfaction to observe, that, those minds, which have become enlightened by the education, and been influenced by the benign genius of morality, and the mild spirit of religion, have, generally, yielded a ready assent to the doctrines of freedom, which we have maintained; while the ignorant and immoral, have withstood the attempts made to eradicate the erroneous opinions, which they cherish and support. Hence, it is deemed important, that the theories of slave-holders be examined, and their fallacy exposed; that the principles, of first rudiments of our social being be explored; that our individual relations, and civil ties, be brought into view; and, that the duties, respectively resulting from them, be frequently enforced in publications, calculated to awaken the best feelings of the human breast, to drive the practical sophist from his weak retreat, to deter the bold by an exposition of the heavy penalties of such laws as may be in force, and to excite to action, those spark of humanity and benevolence, which lie covered under the rubbish of avarice and ignorance.
Having restored liberty to the captive, and seen him exult in the enjoyment of the high, the native prerogative of man, we deem our work as by half accomplished: For what would avail the possession of freedom, to which the depravity of man, or his ignorance of providing for his support, would give but a momentary date, when he would sink to a state of servitude, but a little more tolerable than the condition from which he had been raised, unless he was furnished with the means, not only to support himself, but to enjoy the dear felicities of domestic life; to sustain the various duties incident to civil society,

to partake of its various privileges, to improve his understanding, and to amend his heart.
With these impressions, this society, early, commenced the work of imparting the rudiments of knowledge to a number of youths, descended from people of colour. From small beginnings, our school has, gradually, progressed in point of numbers and improvement, until the present time, when, we are happy to say, its state is highly respectable.
Under the immediate direction of a teacher, who embarks with an ardour and a zeal, which evince, at once, the benevolence of his heart, and his attachment to his charge, our school, we are persuaded, would not suffer by a comparison with the most flourishing our city affords.
The Lancastrian system of education, which was, some years since, adopted, has been continued, and its superior excellencies have been evinced by the improvement which the scholars have made. The reading of the Holy Scriptures, by the higher classes, together with other beneficial regulations, appears to have had, and it is hoped, will continue to have, a salutary effect.
The school, at present, consists of one hundred and thirty scholars, of both sexes.
Three other schools, for the instruction of people of colour, are opened in this city; the teachers of which receive a compensation from those who send their children. A society, among the free people of colour in this city, is forming for the purpose of raising a fund, with the interest of which, to sustain the charge of a free school for orphan children.
Since the last meeting of the convention, the Legislature of this state has passed an act relative to the people of the African race; by which, no person held as a slave can be introduced or brought into this state, and continue to be held as a slave, after the first day

of May, 1810, on any pretence whatever, by any person coming permanently to reside within the same ; and a residence of nine months is declared to be a permanent residence.
By the same act, a pernicious and shameful evasion of our laws, by freeing the slave while residing out of the state, and causing him to execute an indenture of service to a person within it, has been prevented, by declaring such instrument void, and the slave free.
By another section of this act, the Legislature have wisely had in view the moral as well as mental improvement of those persons born as slaves, who are subject to servitude until the age of twenty-five and twenty-eight years, by requiring the master to cause such servant to be taught reading, so as to be able to read the Holy Scriptures, previous to such servants arriving at the age of twenty-one years. And in case of neglect, granting a release from servitude at that age.
Considering the amelioration of the state of slavery as desireable, and the extinction of it among us, as highly important, we cannot but congratulate every friend to the cause of humanity on the passing of this act.
To the next meeting of our state Legislature, we are going to present an address for the total abolition of slavery throughout this state; and, in contemplating the widely diffused happiness which the success of such an application will produce; the advancement of so many fellow beings to the enjoyment of numerous civil and religious privileges; the mass of human wretchedness, cruelty, and woe, which will be suppressed or removed; and the progress of free, through sable unborn thousands, in all the virtues, that adorn the human character, our bosoms swell with transports of joy.

The Standing Committee, on whom more immediately devolve the active duties of liberating the slave, and ameliorating the condition of the oppressed, have now charge forty.five cases; and, since our last address, have succeeded in gladdening the hearts of one hundred and sixty-five fellow beings with the blessing of freedom.
The diligence of this society has been called into exercise by a continuance of the practice of arresting persons of colour, as fugitives from labour, under pretence of restoring them to their alledged owners; when their real object was to gratify their cupidity by consigning them to slavery. It is hoped, not many attempts have either escaped our notice, or been successful.
Masters have, in several instances, in different parts of the state, procured the conviction of their slaves for some trifling petty larceny, with a view of inducing the court to permit an exportation for sale. On our Bench, humanity has, generally, presided with justice, and the vile aims to avarice have been, usually, defeated.
We have reason to fear, the diabolical practice of kidnapping is still continued; but the vigilance of several of our members has limited the evil; and this outrageous, clandestine conduct seems to have given place to open claims under the fugitive act.
We would submit to your consideration to the revision of the laws of the United States, and an application to the National Legislature; not only to amend such as seem defective, but to supervise the whole subject, and to enact one general law, whose scope and provisions shall be as comprehensive as the evil, and whose features shall have more uniformity. Particularly, we would suggest the propriety of having the penalties and forfeitures enure to the sole benefit of the person prosecuting to effect, or, at least,

thereof. Thus, on the one hand, stimulating individuals to endure the unjust odium of becoming public prosecutors; and, on the other, preventing the law from sleeping in the hands of district attorneys, who may not be roused in some instances, but by the commands of other officers, ignorant of the facts and testimony, and who, usually do not see fit to interfere.
While we would guard, with circumspection, against any conduct, which should creates asperities, and arouse opposition; still we would recommend the faithful enforcement of the laws, against stubborn or notorious offenders; and, especially, against any attempts to carry on the African slave trade. Every grade, in the nefarious traffic, which severs the dearest ties of domestic life, fills the bosom of affection with hopeless anguish, tears the unprotected victim from his country and his home, and plunges him into wretchedness bordering on despair, ought to awaken in us, an attention that cannot sleep, a diligence that cannot tire, an ardour that will not abate, a perseverance that will not slacken, and courage that cannot fear.
Firmly, then, fellow labourers let us press forward, not let our exertion cease, until the benevolent objects, we have in view be fully attained.
We have chosen, as delegates, to represent us in the next American Convention,
Samuel Hicks, Thomas Collins, Willet Robbins, Jeremiah Thompson, Gilbert Shotwell, Mordecai Lewis, Thomas Tucker, Willet Seamen, Sylvanus F. Jenkins, and Joshua Underhill.
Annexed, is a list of the officers in this society, at present time:


Cadwallader D. Colden, William Johnson, Nathan Sanford, John Wadsworth, Peter A. Jay, Thomas Addis Emmett, Joseph Warren Brackett, William Slosson.

Benjamin S. Collins, Register

Willet Robbins, Chairman, and John J. Cromwell, Secretary, of Standing Committee

George Newbold, Chairman, and Thomas Collins, Secretary, of the Board of Trustees of the School.

Isaac Wright, Chairman, and Sylvanus F. Jenkins, Secretary, of the Committee of Ways and Means.

George Newbold, Chairman, and William Slosson, Secretary, of the Committee of Correspondence.
Signed on behalf of the Society.
New-York, 3d January, 1812.

To the American Convention of Delegates from the several State Societies, for the promotion of the Abolition of Slavery.
IT is with some degree of sorrow and of shame, we acknowledge, that the zeal of the members of the different Abolition Societies of this state has so far abated, that no meeting was held at the stated time for the appointment of delegates to your body; and the notice from your secretary of the time and place of your meeting, having been delayed on its way, was received too late to allow us to convene a special meeting of delegates from the several districts Societies for that purpose.
Taking these circumstances into view, and governed not less by the opinions of other zealous friends of our common cause than by our own, that the necessity of the case imposed it upon us, as the only means of preventing our state from being wholly unrepresented in your body, the Trenton Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, at a meeting convened by public notice, have appointed Samuel Coleman and Joshua Newbold our delegates, to afford you any information which may be desirable, and to receive any instructions which may be useful.
While we adduce the abatement of zeal among the members in this state as the reason why delegates ''were not'' appointed in the usual way, at the stated time, and ''have been'' elected by us; we ought in justice to mention that there is a strong hope our Society will be reanimated, and will renew its exertions in the cause of humanity.
Cases have occurred of the removal of slaves from this state for the undoubted purpose of selling them in our southern states and territories; and the penalty at present provided for such offences (fifty dollars fine!) being entirely inadequate to prevent the practice, as well as insufficient to punish the offenders, a

resolution has been submitted to the legislature, by a member of this society, to have the law amended in this respect. The society will aid the enactment of the substance of this resolution into a law all in their power; and will use all practicable vigilance in suppressing this cruel and unlawful traffic, and in bringing those who carry it on to condign punishment.
Several attempts have been made by the Society to obtain a revision of our act concerning slaves, but without success. It may, however, be truly observed, that, generally speaking, the slaves in this state are clothed and fed decently and comfortably, allowed necessary recreation and repose, permitted to attend places of worship, and treated with much more humanity and lenity than they were a few years ago.
And although we are constrained to acknowledge that too many of the free people of colour do not exhibit that industry, economy and temperance that was expected by many and wished by all; yet we are not without numerous instances where they conduct in a manner which many of our white brethen might imitate with advantage; and which strengthens our confidence that the whole race will one day rise to a place in society which they are now deemed incompetent and unworthy to occupy.
Trenton, January 6, 1812.

To the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery.
YOUR last circular address and the accompanying printed copies of the minutes of your proceeding were duly received.

With you we freely express our astonishment that the detestable practice of kidnapping should be tolerated for a moment in a country like ours. Must the annals of our nation still be tarnished by the melancholy truth that at this period a wretch should be found amongst us capable of committing this dreadful outrage in hardly violation of so many forbidding civil and sacred injunctions. For a crime so truly hateful in its nature we trust we have the indignant feelings which become us; the subject should be never be forgotten; it has been recalled to our recollection by your address, and we are now preparing a memorial to the legislature of our state, soliciting the enactment of a law more effectually to punish and prevent the diabolical practice.
That it would be only an act of justice to improve the mental faculties of the brother whom our exertions have restored to freedom is a truth which will scarcely be doubted, for liberty, great as is the blessing, may under some circumstances be an evil to its possessor. But the experience of every year furnishes us abundant proof that if we wish the freedman to be a useful member of and not a burden on civil society, it is absolutely necessary that we give him a moderate share of moral and intellectual instruction.
The cruel arm of the taskmaster has debased his faculties; 'tis the generous hand of education that must humanize and improve them. Fully impressed with these sentiments, which are consonant to your own, we are zealously maturing a plan of education, which we believe will ere long enable us to be extensively useful.
Your advice, frequently to publish extracts from celebrated works, or original essays, tending to establish the justice and policy of gradual and general emancipation, has not passed unnoticed; but while

we admit the correctness of the reasoning which proves the general propriety of the practice we content ourselves with observing, that we have not discovered any thing in the circumstances of the state we reside in, which makes it particularly necessary to act upon the recommendation.
With this address we transmit you a letter from the African institution in London, and several accompanying documents, believing the importance of their contents will entitle them to your attention.
We have appointed to represent us in the ensuing Convention, Timothy Paxson, Roberts Vaux, Thomas P. Cope, John Sergeant, Joseph M. Paul, Samuel Smith, and Benjamin Williams.
Signed on behalf of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery.


The Officers of the Society are,
President.........BENJAMIN RUSH, M. D.
Treasurer........THOMAS PHIPPS.

Wm. Lewis, Wm. Rawle, Jno. Hallowell, Jas. Milnor, Jos. Hopkinson, Richard Rush, Wm. L. Delany, Philadelphia.
Abraham Chapman, Bucks.
George Fisher, Dauphin.
Thomas Harrison, Joseph Moore, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Price, Thomas Rogers, Thomas Phipps, Samuel Smith, Edmund KInsey, Abraham Hilyard, Charles Townsend, William Master, William Brown.
The communication from Pennsylvania was accompanied by sundry Letters, Books, and papers viz.
A letter dated London, 17th September, 1811, signed Zachary Macauley, Secretary to the Board of Directors of the African Institution of London.
Extracts from the Records of the British Court of Admiralty.
Four Reports of the Directors of the African In-stitution of London, bound in one volume.
The fifth Report of do.
A Review of the fifth Report.
Sundry Acts of Parliament, and the following letter from the Kentucky Abolition Society.

To the President and Members of the Pennsylvania Society for the Abolition of Slavery.
Respected Friends,
The Kentucky Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, etc. have received, with great satisfaction, your communication of the 30th of October, 1809; we rejoice to hear that we have your prayers and well wishes, for our prosperity in so laudable an undertaking; and receive with kindness your information, on the mode of your proceedings; it goes much to strengthen our hands, to hear that you feel disposed to correspond with us, in your General Convention to meet on the second Monday in January, 1812.
As it will not be in our power to correspond with you by Messenger, we request it as a favour to in

form them, that there is such an institution in this state: though but an infant, and but small; yet when we contemplate, that we have (as it were) a mother to look up to for instruction and assistance; it gives us great consolation, to persevere in that, which we believe to be our duty, as well wishers to our beloved country, and having an affectionate feeling for our fellow creature Man. - We have nothing more to relate to you, only that you be fervent at the Throne of Grace, that GOD will please to direct us in all our proceedings so that we may not injure the cause we have espoused; but that we may be instruments in his hands, though but small and contemptible in the esteem of a number of our fellow citizens, of doing much good. Finally farewell - Pray for us.
Signed by the order of the Meeting of the Kentucky Abolition Society.

The letters from Z. Macauley and the Kentucky Abolition Society were read.
Resolved, That Willet Seaman, Joshua Newbold, and John Sergeant, be a Committee of Arrangement, and that the Addresses and accompanying Documents be referred to them for examination and report, and that they be also instructed to report to the Convention any other business which they may think useful and proper for its consideration.
The Minutes of the Acting Committee were read and approved.
Adjourned until 3 o'clock tomorrow afternoon.

January 15th, 1812, 3 o'clock, P. M.
Convention met pursuant to adjournment :
Thomas Collins, || Joshua Newbold,
Jeremiah Thompson, || Thomas P. Cope,
Willet Seaman, || Roberts Vaux,
Samuel Coleman, || Joseph M. Paul,

The Committee of Arrangement reported as follows:
The Committee to whom was referred the Addresses from the several Abolition Societies, and the accompanying Document, Report -
That they have carefully perused the documents and papers referred to them.
The first object that has engaged their attention is the document accompanying the address from the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, transmitted to them by the African Institution of London, consisting of extracts from the records of the British Courts of Admiralty. It presents eleven cases of vessels captured in the years of 1810, and 1811, loaded with human beings, obtained from the coast of Africa, and intended to be sold as slaves, chiefly in the Spanish colonies. The vessels in every instance carried foreign papers and foreign flags, and assumed a foreign character. But in the first of the cases it is perfectly clear that the vessel was really owned in the United States, that the adventure originated there, and that the whole interest in it, as well as the profits to be derived from the inhuman expedition, (except a small part allotted to the foreigners neces-

sarily employed to cover the transaction) belonged wholly to persons resident in the United States, and believed to be citizens. In the other cases, though there is not the same positive evidence of American ownership and interest, yet the circumstances furnish strong evidence of the fact, that the assumption of foreign character was merely colourable, and for the purpose of evading the provisions of the laws in the United States, who were in some instances to receive a part of their compensation in one more more of the human beings to be obtained from Africa. Though it seems probable that most of the cargoes were intended for foreign markets, yet there is reason to believe that some of them were to have been clandestinely conveyed into the United States, which would certainly have aggravated the offense against the laws of our country, by combining in the individual case a violation of every one of their provisions, but would not have materially increased the turpitude and gross inhumanity of the transaction. There were found on board these vessels above eight hundred and ninety-three human beings in bondage.
From this summary view, the cases presented by the extracts, your committee have naturally turned their attention to the means that may be employed to prevent a recurrence of transactions so disgraceful to the character of our country, so contrary to the policy and spirit of our laws, so cruel, inhuman, and unjust. They are not, however, aware that the legislative power of the union can, with any probability of success, be called upon at present for further measures of prevention. The laws in being plainly prohibit, under the denunciation of heavy penalties, each of the offences comprised in the

above statement of complicated criminality. The defect, therefore, if any exist, must be in one of two particulars; either the laws are not carefully enforced, or there is a want of the necessary evidence to give them effect. In each of these particulars it is the duty of the every friend to the cause of humanity to aid the officers of the government in the execution of the laws, by bringing into their view the cases of offence that have heretofore occurred, or that may in future arise, and assisting them to procure the necessary evidence. Your committee therefore respectfully propose that the attention of the several societies be earnestly and particularly requested to the matters above stated, and, to produce a just sense of the duty they are thus called upon to perform, that they be furnished with copies of the extracts from the records of the admiralty.
From the several reports of the African Institution, your committee perceive with great satisfaction, the efforts they are making to introduce the blessings of civilized society and the lights of the knowledge among a people who, till very lately, have been regarded by too many only as the subjects of an inhuman traffic. Whilst we earnestly unite with the institution in prayers for the success of their exertions, we cannot but feel our attention more sensibly called to similar objects within the reach of our more immediate duty. The education of the blacks, the improvement of their religious, moral, and social condition, and the inculcation among them of habits of regular industry, are matters of equal importance perhaps with the abolition itself, and without which the latter would lose all its value. Your committee cannot, on this part of the subject referred to them, refrain from expressing the pleasure they have received from the communication of the society at New-York. Under the care of that society the best

fruits of education have already begun to appear, as your committee think they plainly perceive in the proposal of the people of colour to establish a fund among themselves for the instruction of orphan children, which indicates at once a just conception of the value of education, and a provident and active concern for those who may be destitute of the means of obtaining it. There is an encouragement in this indication, which while it affords a rich reward for their labours to the Society in New-York, will, it is hoped, have its just effect upon other societies, and stimulate them to similar efforts.
The address from the Kentucky Society is an additional proof of the extension of the principles of humanity, which your committee are sure the convention cannot but view with pleasure: Nor will they hesitate cordially to reciprocate the good wishes of that society, to cooperate with them in the object of their association, and to afford them any assistance in their power.
Your committee are sorry to find from the addresses of the New-York and New-Jersey Societies, that frequent attempts have been made to carry free blacks into slavery. The laws of the individual states can alone repress this inhuman practice, which for obvious reasons will now demand renewed vigilance. Where the laws are inefficient, or their penalties so trifling as to hold up no terrors to the offender, it will be the duty of the societies by all proper means to impress upon the constituted authorities of the state the necessity of more adequate provisions.
Under these views of the matters referred to them your committee respectfully submit the following resolutions:
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to draft an Address to the several Abolition Societies (in-

cluding the Kentucky Society) particularly and earnestly recommending to their attention the matters embraced in the foregoing Report. Jeremiah Thompson, Samuel Coleman, Thomas P. Cope, and Roberts Vaux, were appointed.
Resolved, that the acting committee be instructed to have printed, with the minutes of the proceedings of this convention, in the form of an Appendix, the extracts from the records of the British courts of Admiralty.
Resolved, that a committee be appointed to examine the Treasurer's account. Thomas Collins, and Joseph M. Paul were appointed.
Resolved, that the letter from the Speaker of the House of Representatives of the United States, and the certified Resolution of Congress acknowledging the receipt, acceptance and deposit in the National Library of Clarkson's History of the Abolition of Slavery, which are on record in the minutes of the Acting Committee, be published with the minutes of the proceedings of this Convention. They are as follows; viz.
In the House of Representatives of the United States, Saturday, the 18th February, 1809.
Resolved, that the Speaker be requested to acknowledge the receipt and acceptance of "Clarkson's History of Slavery," presented by the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the condition of the Africans; and that the said work be deposited in the library.
Extract from the Journal.

WASHINGTON, February 18th, 1809.
My Dear Sir,
In obedience to a Resolution of the House of Representatives of the United States, I have the honour

to acknowledge the receipt and acceptance, by the House, of "Clarkson's History of Slavery," in two volumes, presented by the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the condition of the Africans, through you sir, by the hand of Mr. Palmer: which has been deposited in the National Library: where it will remain an honourable testimonial of the liberality of the donors. Permit me sir, to embrace this opportunity, to express the very great respect, which I have for the Abolition Convention, and for yourself,
And to be assured sir, that I am,
Your's and their sincere friend
And humble servant,

A member of the Acting Committee stated that the gentleman who had been employed to compile a History of the Abolition of Slavery, from documents furnished by former Conventions and other sources, had died soon after the rise of the last Convention: that the papers had since been deposited with the Treasurer, and remain under his care; the necessity for the proposed publication appearing to be superceded by the correct, interesting, and valuable work of Thomas Clarkson, on the same subject.
Resolved, That the Acting Committee be discharged from further attention to this subject.
The Convention proceeded to the Appointment of the Acting Committee for the ensuing three years, when the following persons were duly chosen:
Thomas Collins, of New-York.
Samuel Coleman, of New-Jersey.

Timothy Paxson,
Thomas P. Cope,
Roberts Vaux,
Benjamin Williams,
[of Pennsylvania]

Joshua Newbold obtained leave of absence the remainder of the session.
Adjourned until 3 o'clock tomorrow afternoon.
January 16th, 1812, 3 o'clock P. M.

Convention met pursuant to adjournment:
JOHN SERGEANT, Esq. President,
Thomas Collins, || Thomas P. Cope,
Jeremiah Thompson, || Samuel Smith,
Willet Seaman, || Roberts Vaux,
Samuel Coleman, || Joseph M. Paul,

The Committee appointed to draft addresses to the several Abolition Societies, reported Essays of a Circular Address to them, and a special Communication to the Society in Kentucky, which were read and ordered to lie on the table. The Committee on the Treasurer's account reported as follows, viz.

To the American Convention for the Abolition of Slavery, etc.
The Committee appointed to settle the Treasurer's account, Report:
That they have paid attention to the duty committed to them. They find the Treasurer has received since last Convention one hundred and forty dollars, dividends on bank stock; that he has paid

for the use of the Convention, for Clarkson's History, etc. and two shares of Stock of the Philadelphia Bank, two hundred and sixty-seven dollars. - There now remains due to our Treasurer thirty-seven dollars and twenty-two cents.
The funds of the Convention (being seven shares of Philadelphia bank stock, value at par one hundred dollars each,) may at the present value of stock be estimated to be about eight hundred dollars.
Respectfully submitted.
Philadelphia 1 mo. (January) 1812.

Resolved that the documents which accompanied the communication from the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania, and which their representatives were instructed to request might be transmitted to their Committee of Correspondence on the rise of this Convention, be, in compliance with that request, transmitted by the Acting Committee, after the publication of the Minutes of this Convention.
The Circular Address was taken up, and carefully considered by paragraphs, and adopted, as follows, viz.
IN discharging the customary duty of addressing you, we have great satisfaction in stating, that the business of the Convention has been conducted, throughout, with the utmost cordiality.
We cannot, however, forbear the expression of our sincere regret, that so few societies have been represented in this Convention. When we contemplate the interesting magnitude of the cause in which we have unitedly and voluntarily embarked - when we consider the solid and obvious advantages which have hitherto been derived, to the friends of huma-

nity, from a free and personal interchange of opinion and from unison of action, we confidently trust that trifling impediments will not be suffered to interpose in the fulfillment of our duty. We therefore, in that freedom which becomes the advocates of truth and justice, do most earnestly and affectionately recommend a more zealous attention to this important point, in order that the succeeding Convention may be more fully attended. Much has been accomplished, but, when we remember that it has been officially announced by the late census that nearly twelve hundred thousand of our fellow beings remain in a state of abject bondage in our deluded country, it surely will not, cannot be denied, that much, very much, remains yet to be done. You have put your hands to the plough - look not back till ye shall have accomplished the end. You have commenced the wrestling, cease not your hold till ye shall have obtained the prize.
While against the oppressor, we plead the cause of the oppressed - While we invite the unhappy slave to a patient and Christian submission to his condition - and urge on his legalized master a humane exercise of his power - While we feel ourselves bound, by all honourable and lawful means, to protect those whom the laws have enfranchised, from being again dragged into slavery - let us not forget how much depends on the careful instruction of all who are free. Without this our labour will be but very partially accomplished. This great object, so important to ourselves, as members of the civil community, appears to have engaged the active attention of some of those who are the subjects of our care; and the Convention have learned, with heartfelt satisfaction, that it is proposed, by the people of colour in New-York, to raise a fund among themselves, for the instruction of their orphan children. This circum-

stance, while it proves an honourable testimony to the persevering zeal of the New-York Manumission Society, reflects great credit on the blacks themselves; and we hope the example will not be without beneficial effects elsewhere. Could such of these people as have it in their power, be persuaded to apply a part of their surplus earnings to the establishment of similar funds, instead, as is unhappily the case in too many instances, of spending their money in courses which prove injurious to their health and morals, not only their face, but the community at large, would from such meritorious efforts speedily reap the most unequivocal advantages.
It appears that, in defense of the laws already provided to interdict the inhuman practice, and notwithstanding the enormity of the offence in itself, men are yet to found, so lost to justice and the tender feeling of humanity, as to be guilty of carrying free blacks from some of the states, and selling them as slaves in others. We therefore recommend renewed vigilance to detect and prosecute these hardened transgressors - and that, whenever the laws are found to be defective, or insufficient to the correction of evil, application be made, to the constituted authorities, for such amendments and alterations as may be necessary and effectual; that our country may be purged of this most grievous iniquity.
The Pennsylvania Society accompanied their address to the Convention with some very interesting documents, which were transmitted to them by the African Institution in London, part of which it is proposed to publish in the form of an appendix to our printed minutes, in order that the information which it contains may be more generally diffused. The Convention have not, at this time, deemed it necessary or expedient, to take any further order on this subject. Were the laws of the general go-

vernment, in relation to the slave trade, duly land faithfully executed, it is believed they would put an end to this inhuman traffic, which, to the disgrace of some of our citizens, it is but too evident they have been carrying on under the protection and cover of foreign flags. We invite you to a careful perusal of these documents. They contain the evidence of a mass of iniquity, the development of which cannot but excite the indignation of every feeling mind.
You will perceive, by the minutes of our proceedings, that the friends of humanity have gained an accession to their cause in the establishment of an Abolition Society in Kentucky. We trust their labours will be blessed with success, and that this dawn of light will burst into a more perfect day on our brethren of the southern states, casting its cheering and benign influence alike on all; that the ensanguined lash of the task master, and the cries of the slave, may no longer appal the ear and sicken the heart, in this boasted land of mercy and equal rights.
The address to the Kentucky Society was again deliberately read, and adopted as follows, viz.

To the President and Members of the Kentucky Abolition Society.
Among several important, and valuable communications, forwarded to this Convention by the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, we recognize with unaffected pleasure your letter of October last, addressed to that Institution.
We sincerely rejoice to learn that you have associated for the honourable purpose of extending the arms of benevolence and protection, for the relief and

assistance of the afflicted children of Africa, in your section of our country.
We trust you will be enabled to persevere in the work which you have so nobly begun, and by a zealous employment of the means you possess, witness the happiness consummation of your efforts to attend these objects, which claim your solitude, and partake of your care.
The cause you have espoused is a righteous one: and the reward of your labour, will be as certain, as it must be precious.
In order to furnish you with a knowledge of the various subjects which have engaged our attention during the present session, we intend to transmit to you copies of the minutes of our proceedings. As we believe it will be productive of advantage to the great object which has caused the establishment of societies of this kind, to enjoy a full communication of sentiment, and mutual information of facts to excite our diligence, we therefore invite your correspondence with us, as occasion may demand, and opportunities present.
We congratulate you on the advancement you have already made, and we present you with our ardent desires, that under the blessing of Divine Providence, success may ever crown your exertions.
To aid you in these great designs, be assured of our maternal solicitude, and we shall equally with you, hail that glorious day, when "the bands of wickedness shall be loosed, the heavy burdens be undone, every yoke shall be broken, and the oppressed go free.''
P. S. Our Acting Committee will acquaint you of the time and place of the meeting of the next Convention, to attend which, we should be pleased with a representation from your Society.

Resolved, that the Acting Committee be instructed to publish 500 copies of the Minutes of this Convention, and as many of the Circular Addresses as may, in their opinion, be proper; and that they transmit them to the several Societies in the usual proportions.
That they present to the Select Council of the city of Philadelphia the thanks of this Convention for the use of their Chamber - And that they be directed to give three months previous notice of the meeting of the next Convention, to the several Abolition Societies. Adjourned sine die.
Published by order of the Convention.


EXTRACTS from the fourth Report of the Directors of the AFRICAN INSTITUTION, read at the Annual General Meeting, held in London, on the 28th of March, 1810.

" The persons, however, who are by far the most deeply engaged in this nefarious trafic [sic], appear to be citizens of the United States of America. These shelter themselves from the penal consequences of their criminal conduct, by means of a nominal sale both of ship and cargo and some Spanish or Swedish port - (the Havannah, for example, or the Island of St. Bartholomew.) They are thus put in a capacity to use the flags of these states, and so disguised, have carried on their slave-trading speculations during the last year to an enormous extent.
" The different communications received by the directors from the coast of Africa, concur in stating, that in the month of October last, the coast was crowded with vessels, known to be American, trading for slaves, under Spanish and Swedish flags. The slaves thus procured, it is understood, were afterwards to be carried for sale, either to South America, or to the Spanish West Indies. Some cargoes (there is reason to believe,) have been landed at St. Bartholomews, and smuggled thence into British Islands.
" With respect to Sweden and Spain, the Directors had hoped, that as neither of these countries had any interests to sacrifice by a formal renunciation of the Slave trade, and a recognition of the principles of its abolition, they might have been prevailed on strictly to interdict the use of their flags to ships engaged in carrying slaves. But in this hope also, the directors have been disappointed. They have had, even the mortification to see these flags employed to protect that large share of this traffic, which the subjects of the United States are at this moment carrying on in defense of the laws of their own country.

EXTRACTS from the fifth report of the Directors of the AFRICAN INSTITUTION, read at the Annual General Meeting held in London on the 27th of March, 1811.

In the month of July last, the case of the Ameda, an American slave ship, captured by a British ship of war, a case on which six others depended, was brought before the Privy Council, the supreme court for matters of prize in this country, by appeal from the Vice-Admiralty Court of Tortola, in which the vessel and cargo had been condemned to the captors. The judgment of the court was pronounced by Sir W. Grant, Master of the Rolls, in the following terms, viz. -
" This ship must be considered as being employed at the time of capture in carrying slaves from the coast of Africa to a Spanish colony - We think this was evidently the original plan and purpose of the voyage, notwithstanding the pretence set up to veil the true intention, the claimant, however, who is an American, complains of the capture, and demands from us the restitution of property of which he alleges that he has been unjustly dispossessed. In all the former cases of this kind which have come before this court, the slave trade was liable to considerations very different from those which belong to it now. It had at that time been prohibited (as far as respected carrying slaves to the colonies of foreign nations) by America, but by our own laws it was still allowed. - It appeared to us, therefore, difficult to consider the prohibitory law of America, in any other light than as one of those municipal regulations of a foreign state, of which this Court could not take any cognizance. But by the alteration which has since taken place, the question stands on different grounds, and is open to the application of very different principles. The slave trade has since been totally abolished by this country, and our legislature has pronounced it to be contrary to the principles of justice and humanity,
" Whatever we might think as individuals before, we could not, sitting as judges in a British Court of Justice regard the trade in that light, while our own laws permitted it. But we can now assert that this trade cannot, abstractedly speaking, have a legitimate existence.
" When I say abstractedly speaking, I mean that this country has no right to control any foreign legislature that may think fit to dissent from this doctrine, and to permit to its own subjects the prosecution of this trade; but we have now a right to affirm that prima facie the trade is illegal, and thus to throw on claimants the burthen of proof that, in respect to them, by

the authority of their own laws, it is otherwise. As the case now stands, we think we are intitled to say, that a claimant can have no right upon principles of universal law, to claim the restitution in a prize court, of human beings carried as his slaves. He must show some right that has been violated by the capture, some property of which he has been dispossessed, and to which he ought to be restored. In this case, the laws of the claimant's country allow of no right of property such as he claims. There can therefore be no right to restitution. The consequence is, that the judgement must be affirmed."
The directors have reason to believe that this judgement was in conformity with the opinion of the highest legal authorities in the United States.
The great importance of this decision may be inferred from this circumstance, that it was no sooner known, than every American flag which covered the slave trade disappeared. The course which has since been pursued by the citizens of the United States embarking in this trade, has been, to call at some Spanish or Portugese port, there to obtain fictitious bills of sale, and other papers which might serve to disguise the real ownership.
This practice, however, to which, on the first view the case of the Amedie did not seem to apply, and which it was apprehended might be carried to an extent almost indefinite, has happily received a decisive check by a judgement recently pronounced by Sir William Scott, in the high court of admiralty, in the case of a vessel called the Fortuna. For want of such a precedent as this case now happily furnishes, several vessels in precisely the same circumstances; namely, vessels destined for the slave trade, and clearly Americans, but under a Spanish disguise, had been liberated by the vice-admiralty courts in different parts of the world.
The case in which this judgement has been given is as follows:

High Court of Admiralty. - Case of the Fortuna, Verissimo, master.
THIS vessel sailed from New York, under American colours in the month of July, 1810, being then named the William and Mary, and arrived at Madeira in September. The ostensible owner at this time was an American citizen of the name George Fowler Trenholm, who also acted as master. On arriving at Madeira, he landed a part of his cargo; and about a week before his departure from it, he executed a

bill of sale for the ship to a native of Madeira, a Portuguese subject, named Joao de Souza, and inconsequence of this sale obtained Portuguese papers and assumed a Portuguese flag. This Joao de Souza is stated to be a man notoriously of no property, who is employed as a clerk in the store of an English mercantile house in that island; and in point of fact, no consideration was given for the vessel. In thus lending his name to this transaction, Joao de Souza appears to have merely complied with the wishes of his employers, who were the consignees of the William and Mary. The William and Mary, having thus become colourably the property of a Portuguese, was re-named Fortuna, and another Portuguese, of the name of Verissimo was appointed master, George Fowler Trenholm, the former master, was now converted into a supercargo, and the whole conduct and entire control of the ship and adventure were committed to him; without his even receiving any instructions whatever from the alleged owner, Joao de Souza. The only part of the cargo taken on board at Maderia [sic] consisted of some articles of provisions for the voyage.
On the 6th of October, this vessel sailed from Madeira, and, when about seven or eight miles distant from the harbour of Funchall, was captured by his majesty's ship Melampus, captain Hawker, and sent to Plymouth.
The evidence obtained by means of the standing interrogatories, afforded strong suspicion that the sale at Madeira, was a fraudulent and collusive transaction; and this suspicion was afterwards fully confirmed, and it clearly appeared, from the mere inspection of the vessel independently of other corroborating circumstances, that the object of the voyage was to procure a cargo of slaves on the coast of Africa."
Sir William Scott who delivered the judgment of the court on the 12th of March, 1811, concludes a long and luminous exposition of this case in the following words:
" Was this American vessel employed in that traffic which subjected the Amedie to a sentence of confiscation? I think that a variety of important circumstances lead irresistibly to that conclusion. Trenholm, the present supercargo (for he continues on board this vessel, and this character, after the pretended sale of her in his character of master and owner), pretends, in an affidavit that he was not to carry on the slave trade, but meant to dispose of the cargo at the Cape de Verd Islands, or the Brazils. But this man's conduct is too deeply involved in the entire fraud of these transactions to claim any credit for his representations. The construction and furniture of the ship had all the accommodations necessary for the con-

duct of that trade, and of that trade only. She had platforms ready constructed; she had timber fit for the construction of more; she had iron shackles and bolts, running chains and collars; all adapted for the purposes of conveying slaves; and the quantity and species of provision and medicine which such purposes require. It has been suggested an argument, that the ship had probably been employed before as a slave ship and that the first accommodations have been suffered to remain, though her employment was altered; but is this probable, that they would have been suffered to remain in a vessel destined for other occupations? In other trades they would have been obstructions and nuisances, and the first thing done before she left America would have been to remove them. The continuance of such accommodations proves that intended to continue in sin that trade; for they are not accommodations in any other. In the concealed papers it is disclosed that she was to go to the Havanna, the great mart for the importation of negroes. When I see these platforms constructed, and an apparatus for the construction of more; these irons collected together; the nature of the provisions on board; the fraudulent sale and the fraudulent acquisition of the Portuguese character under it; the false pretenses and unjust resistance to fair inquiry that has traveled with this case throughout; the particulars of which I do not detail, after the ample statements of both which have been given by the advocates for the captors, I can have no rational doubt of her real character, and under the authority of the case of the Amedie, I condemn her and her cargo."

Extract of a letter from a gentlemen high in office on the coast of Africa, dated Senegal, 11th Dec. 1810
" I had the pleasure to acknowledge, on the 1st of November, by the schooner Hope, the receipt of your obliging letter of 17th September, and communicated to you that it was necessary for me to go to Goree, to endeavour to overcome some difficulties which had arisen relative to the four vessels detained at that Island, on suspicion of being American property under Spanish colours, set it out for the slave trade.
" My former letters will have acquainted you, that many vessels of this description are on the coast, and the intelligence you have received from leeward, will also have informed you of the still greater number in that quarter; I hope some measures have been decided upon to stop their progress, in undoing all the good which would have resulted from the honourable exertions and sacrifices of the British nation.

" I beg to call your attention to the facility with which vessels are fitted out in the port of Charlestown. I understand the utmost activity is going on in that port, in equipping vessels, fully manned and armed. All the papers of the vessels from thence are vouched by a person who calls himself Carlos Mulvey, Spanish consul. At Teneriffe, the American consul, Mr. Armstrong, gives every facility to the covering American property, in the name of Mr. Thomas Armstrong, and Mr. Madden.
" I have been credibly informed, that a set of papers are furnished for a thousand dollars, and that it is notorious to every merchant in Teneriffe. It would afford me considerable satisfaction to hear some strong measures being taken to counteract this illegal conduct.
" I doubt not sir, before this time, that the African institution has been able to induce government and the legislature to take some active and decided steps in favour of the African cause; for until the traffic of these persons is stopped, it is in vain to hope to urge them to industry or civilization, where the safety of person and property is so uncertain."

Extract of a letter from the same gentleman, dated Senegal, February 23rd, 1811.
" The schooner George returned from Sierra Leone on the 30th of December, with intelligence that the brig Erin, of Norfolk, alias Catilina; the Mary Ann of Charlestown, alias Santa Barbara; and the Snake in the Grass, alias Aluvida, were released by the vice-admiralty courts upon paying costs of suit. The brig Pert, and ship Maria Dolores, were condemned as forfeited to his majesty. The Erin went to the Gambia, and I am informed has taken away two hundred and fifty unhappy beings; the other two vessels that were libera-ted are gone to leeward. When I was in Goree, I was induced to liberate a schooner under Spanish colours, but with an American Spanish supercargo on board, she has taken away from the Gambia, two hundred and thirty slaves. Two other Americans, under Spanish colours, have since November, left the Gambia, with two hundred and fifty slaves.
" In all probability other vessels will be equally successful, as, unfortunately, the wars excited in the upper part of that river, afford the means of furnishing them with slaves in abundance.
" I am convinced you will join me in lamenting the insufficiency of my authority to check this dreadful evil. I wait with

considerable impatience for your next letters, which I hope will inform me of something having been done to check the alarming increase of slave dealing on this part of the coast."

Case of the Schooner Esperanza, Jeronimo Bicenti, master, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, 1st May, 1810.
THIS Schooner was built in Virginia, and was called the Fair Trader. She became in 1809 the property of Odgen, jun. and John B. Frazier, of Boston, or New York, who in November 1809 gave the command of her to Benjamin Waine, a native of Boston, and now living with his wife and family in Hollway in the state of Massachusetts.
She was cleared out from Boston, to a port, or ports, in South America. On the 15th of November 1809, a letter of instructions is addressed by the above gentleman to Mr. Waine, which Mr. Waine had carelessly omitted to leave behind him at St. Michaels. It is as follows.
" Boston, November 15th, 1809.
" Captain Waine, will proceed from this to St. Michaels, and endeavour to get his vessel put under Portuguese colors if he can do it safely. He will obtain permission to proceed to Africa, and thence to the Havanna, and have the vessel consigned by the Portuguese merchant to Francisco Hernandez of that place, with orders to dispose of the cargo and account with Jacob Ogden, jun. or John B. Frazier for the neat proceeds. Captain Waine, will also receive powers from his merchant to sell the vessel in Havana if he chooses, or to proceed from thence elsewhere. The merchant in St. Michaels should be induced to write as soon as possible, and send the necessary information that we may make insurance in this place. If Captain Waine should find his expenses exceed in amount the cash which he has with him he will draw on J. B. Frazier and John Ogden, jun. and his bills shall be duly honored. Captain Waine will see that the proper documents are forwarded to us to cancel our bonds. If he should not be able to accomplish his business in St. Michaels, as it should be, he will then proceed to Teneriffe, and if Mr. William Stocker is still there he will deliver the letter to him, and receive his advice in all his transactions in the place; but if he should have left before the arrival of the schooner, he will present the letter which is directed to the Messrs. Madin Brothers, and explain to them verbally the precise situation of the business, and destroy the letter to

Stocker immediately: always bear in mind that it is necessary to send us the proper information to enable us to make insurance. Before the transfer is made it will be well to see if the present captain, and his two mates, will be allowed to go in her. The men should be induced to go if possible, even if it were necessary to increase their wages considerably. The second mate may be allowed exclusive of his wages one of the cargo on the safe arrival of the vessel at Havanna. It has been agreed that the first mate should have two, and if the cargo amount to 175 on arrival in Havanna he is to have three. Yourself to receive 5 per cent. on the amount of sales in Havanna. It is an object to get a peaceable young man for your captain to carry the papers.
Before you undertake to transfer the vessel, you will see your way clear, and ascertain whether any difficulties will be likely to arise in course of your business that are insurmountable. On your arrival at St. Michaels you will pretend you are after supplies of poultry and wine, and as soon as possible do you explain your wishes to your merchant, and state to him the whole design of the voyage. Request him to forward us a letter, directed to Hernandez, directing him to take charge of vessel and cargo on her arrival in Havanna. You will endeavour the complete arrangement of the expedition placed in your hands. The Portuguese captain should be made to understand that he must leave all to you. You had better get sufficient powers from your new owner to place the expedition altogether under your control. If you find you cannot do your business to your satisfaction, you may advise with your friend about touching at Fayal, where vessels' papers have frequently been changed with the greatest facility; being careful always who you get to cover the property. If you think it best to go there you are at liberty to do it. It will be a great object to get your papers without unloading; but you must get the proper documents to send us to cancel our bonds. Act in all cases fully, and endeavour to forsee the difficulties you will have to encounter. Do not let the American consul suspect that you were originally designed for the voyage which you will probably undertake from one of the western islands. The vessel must carry her cargo to Havanna, she is not at liberty to carry it any where else; and if it should so happen the vessel could not be cleared from a Portuguese port to carry her return cargo to Havanna, you will proceed to Tenneriffe, and present the letters which we gave you, and finish our business there."
Accordingly Mr. Waine proceeded to St. Michaels, where with the help of Messrs. Ivens and Burnett, merchants there,

he has the vessel transferred to one Jeronimo Bicenti, who lends his son of the same name as a captain at forty dollars a month, Mr. Waine being converted into a supercargo. The new order signs a letter of instructions, which is written by Ivens and Burnett, in which Mr. Waine is directed to remit the proceeds, meaning, as clearly appears from other papers, the price of his and his son's services to William S. Burnett, Esq. No.78, Queen Street, Cheapside, London, or to hand them to Mr. Jacob Barker of New York who is to pass them to the credit of Messrs. Hucklin and Auglin of St. Michaels. A letter was found on board from John Stoughton of Boston, dated November 14th 1809, to Bernard Cologan, esq. Teneriff, recommending Mr. Waine as brother to deserving gentleman, and an enterprising young man.
Notwithstanding all this evidence, Benjamin Waine deposes that Jeronimo Bicenti was sole owner of the said schooner, and that the slaves on board were to be sold, for the real account, risk, and benefit of the said Bicenti. He takes upon himself to swear, that he believes that at the time of lading the said slaves, and at the present time, and also if the said slaves are unladen at the destined port, they did, do, and will belong to the said Bicenti, and no other.
James Usher, chief mate, was born in Rhode Island, is a freeman of the town of Bristol in that state, is married. His wife and family live in Bristol. The vessel carried rum, tobacco, and lumber, from Boston to St. Michaels, where she was sold to a Portuguese, and took in dry goods, beads, arms, and slave irons, which were exchanged for Negroes. Ninety three slaves, some rum and tobacco, are now on board. Cannot swear that the sale at St. Michaels was real.
Besides the above persons the following Americans were on board;
James Hington, second mate,
Jeppthah Trip,
Charles Willis,
Thomas Thompson,
Obed B. Hussey,
Richard Williams,
Charles Grace, and
Jeremiah Vail,
John Brown, cook, and
Thomas W. Tapley, boy.

Case of the schooner Diana, James Berthe, master, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, 19th September, 1810.
THIS vessel had sailed from the island of St. Bartholomew to the coast of Africa for slaves; the ostensible owner a Mr. Touraine of St. Batholomews. The supercargo, William Bane, states himself to be a native of New Orleans. James Berthe, the master, states himself to have been born in Baltimore, and to be a burgher of St. Bartholomews. Besides these there were on board, of Americas,
Henry Northan, of Philadelphia, aged 34 years.
William Daten, of Rhode Island, aged 23 years.
Peter Louis, of Baltimore, aged 26 years.

Case of the brig Saragozano, Juan Norbetz Dolz, master, tried in the Vice Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, on the 12th of June, 1810.
THIS vessel was built in America, and sold at the Havanna, to the captain who calls himself a Spaniard, but appears also to have been an American citizen. Sailed from Havanna in November 1809, and was taken with 116 slaves on board in the river Sherbro in June 1810. The surgeon was Lorain Neddham Rees, an Englishman by birth, but a citizen of America, where he is settled. He is married, and his residence is at Christchurch near Charlestown, South Carolina.
Adam Rees, cooper, was born at Baltimore; besides whom there were on board the following Americans.
Christoval Miller,
Richard Stevens,
Nathaniel Hodkeins,
Samuel Adams,
James Brown,
Juan Day,
Diego Drury.

Case of the Marina, Juan Semanett, master, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, April 25th, 1810.
THIS vessel, a schooner sailed from Havanna to Bristol in Rhode Island, with a cargo of molasses; at Bristol, she took in a cargo of rum, tobacco, cloth, and provision for Africa, which were exchanged for slaves on that coast in January, February, and March 1810. On the 23rd April she was taken, and brought to Sierra Leone.

Thomas M. Moore supercargo of this schooner, was born at Bristol in Rhode Island, is married, his wife and two children live at Bristol, the place of his own residence. Mr. Royal Diaman of Bristol, Rhode Island, was the agent of the owners, the widow Poey and Francis Hernandez of the Havanna. The voyage commenced at Bristol, and was to have ended at the Havanna. The Spanish papers appear to have been procured from the Spanish consul at Boston, Juan Stoughton, who states the vessel to be bound to Africa, and thence to the Havanna.
John Sandford, a mariner, was born in the state of Massachusetts. The irons for confining the slaves were taken on board at Rhode Island.
Squire Woodensay, mariner, was born in Massachusetts, is ma-ried. His wife and family live in that place.
Besides the above there were on board the schooner,
Juan Siriaco, a native of Bristol.
Robert Beet, a native of Salem.
Juan Perez, a native of Baltimore.

Case of the schooner Doris, Bartolemi Marceline Mestre, master, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, 7th March, 1810.
THIS vessel, alleged to be property of the Guillermo M. Scott of Amelia Island, was cleared out fro Charlestown, for South America, in November 1809; whence she sailed to the coast of Africa, under the entire direction and management of the Zebulon Miller the supercargo, and had on board when taken fifty-seven slaves.
The master is a native of St. Augustin, but has lived in Charlestown - says the cargo outward was all put on board from the wharfs at Charlestown.
Zebulon Miller, supercargo and chief mate, was born in Connecticut, lives now in Charlestown, was to have a commission of 5 per cent. on sales from Guillermo Scott the sole owner; the whole management of the trade in his hands.
James or Isaac Murphy, cook, was born in Portsmouth, Virginia, but has lived in Charlestown for eleven years, where his wife and family reside; is a freeman of Portsmouth. He states the name of the master to be Miller. There is another person on board by the name Mestre, who is called the captain; but never does any duty, or gives orders as such, except when the schooner was boarded by a vessel of war. Believes the said master to have been appointed by a Mr. Everingham of

Charlestown, who is the sole owner of the captured schooner.
Mr. Everingham was generally known to be the owner of the schooner; he resides with his wife and family in Charlestown. Deponent does not believe any other person than Everingham has any interest in vessel or cargo; and had she not been captured she would have gone to Amelia Island to have disposed of her slaves for specie.
John Welch, copper, (surety, Charles Fitzsimmonds, Charlestown) was born in New York and has lived in Albany and New York. He deposes that the masters name is Miller: knows not the owner.
Besides these persons there were on board, of Americans,
William Colburn, second mate,
William Drake, seaman, surety J. A. Betker, Charlestown, do.
James White, do.
Richard Caldwel, do.
John Woodman, do.
John Johnson, do.
J. A. Baker, do.
Francis Savier, do.
Alexander Calder, do.

Case of the schooner Emprendadera, Nicholas Junquira, master, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, 18th October, 1810.
THIS vessel, alleged to be the property of Joachim Madan, Nephew and Sons, of the Havanna, cleared out from Charlestown, South Carolina, in June 1810 for the coast of Africa, with a cargo taken on board there consisting of gunpowder, dry good, tobacco, rum, gin, etc. to be bartered for slaves on the coast of Africa; and was detained by the British frigate the Crocodile on the 8th October, 1811.
Thomas Windsor, chief mate, was born in Philadelphia, has lived in Charlestown for the last seven years; is a freeman of that town, and his wife and children live there: says that in the Spanish service the captain is only nominal, the first mate has all the charge.
A passenger of the name Richard Crawford, an American, was on board, and was landed at the Plantanes on the coast of Africa.
Rodolph Manly, seaman, was born in St. Marys county in the state of Maryland; is a freeman of Baltimore.

Case of the brig Dos Amicos, taken 7th October, 1810, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, 23rd October 1810.
WILLIAM RICHMOND, acting master and supercargo, (the master Blas O'Kelly, having died October 4th 1810,) stated

that he was born in Bristol, Rhode Island; is a freeholder of the Bristol, where his wife and family reside; that the crew were all Americans, and came on board at Bristol, April 2d 1810; that he knew the schooner first in Newport, she was formerly called the George; she belonged then to the Insurance Company to whom she had been abandoned; that Mr. Joseph Smith, of Rhode Island, brought her of this company, and sent her to the Havanna, with a cargo of Lumber; where she was sold to Mr. Francis Hernandez the present owner; that she sailed from the Havanna, to Bristol in Rhode Island; with molasses and sugar; that she there took in rum, tobacco, and some provisions which were hoisted in from the wharf at Bristol, and which were disposed of at the Galinas, on the coast of the Africa for slaves.
John Jennett, cooper, of the said brig, was born in Wilmington, near Philadelphia, has lived there all his life, has a vote Wilmington, for New-Castle. He agrees in his evidence with Richmond.
John Williamson, seaman, was born in Wickford, Rhode Island; where he has lived all his life; heard the brig was formerly called the Two Friends. Agrees in his evidence with Richmond.
James Higgins, seaman, was born in Bath, in the state of Massachusetts, and lives there now.

Case of the brig Carlotta Teresa, Thomas Basques, master, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of the Bahama Islands, April 1811.
ON the 3d of April 1810, this vessel sailed from the port of Norfolk in America, bound on a voyage to the coast of Africa, for a cargo of slaves; with which she was to return to the Havanna. Mr. Zaccheus Atkins was the supercargo, and was charged with the purchase of the Negroes. On the 4th of December, this brig arrived at Loango, and there took on board 279 slide; with which she sailed on the 5th of February, 1811, for the Havanna. On the 27th day of March, she was detained by his Britannic majesty's brig Variable, and brought into New Providence, for adjudication.
Among the crew were the following natives of America; viz.
Zaccheus Atkins, first matte, and supercargo, a native of Massachusetts,
Ray Booth, second mate, a native of Virginia,
Caleb M. Grozer, third mate, a native of Boston,
Sanliago Archer, cooper, a native of New York.

Wm. D. Penleton, mariner, a native of Connecticut,
John Class, mariner, a native of Boston,
Cornelius Lombard, mariner, a native of Boston,
Saliago Clark, mariner, a native of Baltimore,
William Taverner, mariner, a native of Baltimore,
Watson Harris, mariner, a native of Virginia,
Harry Atkins, boy, an American negro.
These people, were shipped on board the Carlotta Teresa, at Norfolk; to which port, she had brought from the Havanna, a cargo, consisting of molasses, logwood, and rum, consigned to Mr. John Faun, of that place. Having unloaded this cargo, and undergone considerable repairs, and alterations, being turned from a schooner into a brig, she took on board a cargo, which the invoice states to have been shipped by Thomas Armstead, by the order of John H. Fawn, for Africa; consisting of East India cloth, and a variety of other articles, amounting to $13,859 45, the whole consigned to Z. Atkins. The invoice is dated Norfolk, August, 30 1810.
The Spanish consul at Norfolk, Antonio Angote Villalobas, appears to have been active in granting every facility for the equipment of this vessel, knowing as appears from various documents signed by him; that her destination was to the coast of Africa, for a cargo of slaves.
The alleged owner of the ship and cargo in this adventure; is Francisco Antonio de Comas, of the Havanna. There seems great reason however to believe, that he is not the real owner; but that Atkins the supercargo, Mr. Fawn of Norfolk, and Thomas Martin and Co. of Charlestown have a concern in it. The whole of the instructions show that Basques, was only nominally captain, his appointment being intended as a blind.
The whole of the depositions which were taken, concur in stating that there was an American flag on board; and the captain admits that the crew were all Americans, except himself, and the boatswain, cook, and carpenter.
Atkins, the supercargo, states himself to have been born in Massachusetts, but to have lived some time at New Orleans. He was to receive 10 per cent. as a commission, on the sale of the negroes.
Grozer, states himself to be a married man, and to have a family at Massachusetts.
W. D. Pendleton, states himself to have been born in New London, Connecticut, but that he now resides in New-York, having a wife and family there. He further states, that Mr. Atkins was part owner of the brig when taken, together with a merchant in Norfolk, whose name he does not recollect; grounds this on Atkins own statement; that Mr. Atkins ship-

ped part of the goods, and the merchant before mentioned the other part; and that he understood from Mr. Atkins, and believes that the slaves purchased on the coast of Africa, were for the real account, risk, and benefit of Atkins, and the said merchant.
Leigh Roy Booth, second mate, was born in Virginia, but has lived at Boston, for eleven years. He deposes that when he first knew the brig, which was more than two years ago, in Hampton Roads, Virginia; she was called the Sally Barker, and believes she was built in Massachusetts; that she went to the Havanna, and was there sold; that she afterwards went to the Havanna, and was there sold; that she afterwards went from the Havanna to Norfolk, and thence to Loango, whence she carried a cargo of slaves to the Havanna, that Peter Francisco Fitzpatrick, was then master of her; that being refitted she went on another voyage to Africa, and returned with slaves to the Havanna; that from the Havanna she went to Norfolk, where the present voyage commenced; that she was under the direction of Messrs. Goram and Comez, and at Norfolk, of Mr. Fawn and Mr. Armstead; that Mr. Atkins the supercargo, was in fact the captain also.
James Clark, a native of New York, resides at Baltimore, where he has a wife and one child. He believes that captain Atkins was the owner of the brig and cargo; understood so at Norfolk. On board the brig, Atkins spoke of the property as his.

Case of the Brig El Alrevido, Ponce de Leone, Master, tried in the Vice-Admiralty Court of the Bahamas, April 15th, 1811.
THE vessels had been an American vessel, named the Carolina, owned by William Broadfoot, a merchant in Charlestown. She was sent from the Charlestown, to St. Marys river, for the purpose of receiving Spanish papers, and a bill of sale was executed by Broadfoot, bearing date at Amelia Island, on the 17th June, 1810, for the nominal sum of 6000 dollars, to George Atkinson, of Amelia Island, who appears to be an American subject. The sale however, appears to have been clearly fictitious. On the 20th of July, the vessel sailed for Africa, and having taken on board two hundred and nineteen slaves, sailed for Amelia Island; and on the 15th of March, was taken off that Island by his Britannic majesty's brig Colibri, captain Thompson.
A great many papers were produced, some signed Enrique White, governor of St. Augustin, and some by Jose Zubezenata, secretary of government, and multiplying certificates

of the sale of this vessel by Broadfoot to Atkinson, on the 10th of June 1810; and of the Spanish citizenship of Atkins. These certificates however betray some ground of suspicion. One deponent called Fernando de la Maxe Arridondo, swears, at St. Augustin, before the secretary of the government, on the 5th of July, 1810, "that he has heard the arrival of the vessel which forms the subject of these proceedings was expected, the said George Atkinson having acquired the property thereof; that he had never understood anything to the contrary, nor that any foreigner is either directly, or indirectly concerned therin." Other depositions are equally vague.
The muster roll contains among others the following names.
Second mate, Jonathon Bruce, American,
Mariner, Zcs. Wragg, ditto,
Do. A. Hays, ditto,
Carpenter, Joseph Goyer, ditto,
Mariner, Richard Watson, ditto,
The outward cargo appears to have been laden by the orders of George Atkinson. His instructions to the nominal are dated Amelia Island, July 18, 1810, and contain no orders as to the sale of the cargo; but merely, "upon your arrival on the coast, you will receive the necessary instructions" (it does not say from whom) "relative to the purchase of negroes."
The following letter was found on board without any address.
"DEAR SIR, Charlestown, 10th July, 1810."
" I have got a number of ''slaves goods'', due me in the river Congo, say thrifty from Mafuka Tom. Twenty from Prince Mafitta, and about twenty from Mafouka Youmba. I do hereby agree, and bind myself, that if you will go out by ''some conveyance'', and collect the above debts, and ship the amount by some good opportunity, either to England, any part of the United States, or to Havanna, in ivory, gold dust, or wood, to allows you one half of the nett proceeds of the amount so collected. Wishing you a pleasant time, I remain, dear sir, your obedient servant,
Adam Hays, seaman was born in Pennsylvania, is an American subject, believes the property to be Mr. Atkinson's, who he was told was a merchant and planter in Amelia Island. Knows not what country he is of.
Joseph Wragg, seaman, born in Georgia, has lived in Charlestown about nine years. Agrees with Hays in his evidence.

Ponce, master, believes the vessel and cargo to be the property of George Atkinson, who resides on St. John's in East Florida; that a bill of sale was executed to him by William Broadfoot, in June 1810, but he thought one of the witnesses, to the bill of sale saw no consideration money paid for the said ship. The vessel before this sale was called the Carolina.
Joseph Goyer, was born in Boston, has lived for the last fourteen years in Charlestown. Agrees with Adam Hayes.
Jonathan Bruce, second mate, was born in Boston, where he now lives. Agrees in his deposition with Adam Hayes.
Samuel B. Robinson, a passenger, was born in Nottinghamshire, in England; has lived in England, except for the last fifteen months, six of which he passed in Amelia Island, and the remaining eight as sea on board the said brig; considers Liverpool as his place of residence. States himself to be a merchant; that his object in going to Africa was to collect outstanding debts due to a merchant in Charlestown.
This Robinson, was afterwards fully proved to have been a surgeon.

Case of the brig Lucia, Scarnelia master, tried in the Vice Admiralty court of Sierra Leone. April 1810.
THIS vessel sailed from Charlestown in South Carolina, ostensibly bound to the Havanna in July or August 1809. The real purpose of the voyage was to go to Madeira, there procure Portuguese papers, and proceed thence to the coast of Africa for slaves to be carried for sale to the Havanna. Being unable to reach that island, the vessel went into Grand Canary. Here the owners Freeman Wing, and Archibald Mac Williams, transfer the vessel, and cargo to one Don Joseph Navando, by a bill of sale, the price being to be paid at the Havanna. These two persons continue on board; also the American crew, to whom four Spaniards are added.
Thomas Boston, a seaman, born in Nantucket, has a wife living in Charlestown, which is the place of his abode, deposes that the Lucia was the Albert of Charlestown, until her name was changed at Grand Canary; that she continued before, and after this change, under the direction of Freeman Wing the supercargo. He believes in his conscience that no sale was really made, but that the property is now as at first, vested in the said Wing and Mr. Mac Williams.
Both Wing and Mac Williams admit themselves to have been owners of the brig previous to the sale, at Grand Canary. Wing was born in Massachusetts, lives at Charlestown, where he has a wife.

The vessel was taken the 24th of March 1810. with 129 slaves on board.
John Higgs, a seaman, resides chiefly at Rhode Island.
Thomas James Bolton, a passenger, was born in Massachusetts, has lived of late on the coast of Africa as a slave trader.
Henry Wing assisted in getting irons and handcuffs on board at Charlestown. In consequence of this it had become plain that the vessel was going for slaves; seamen therefore could not be got, owing to their dislike to this voyage, until double wages were given. He believes Freeman Wing to be the owner of bring and cargo.

Case of the Arrogancia Castillano, Jose Hernandez master, tried in the High Court of Admiralty at London in May, 1811.
THIS vessel from Bristol in Rhode Island, the begining of November 1810 with a cargo, including charges, amounting to $12,517 10. The invoice bears date the 31st October, at Bristol, Rhode Island, and the purports that the goods were put on board this vessel bound to Angola, by Charles D. Wold, jun. on account and risk of Juan Baptiste Yeard, and Francisco Hermanzer of the Havanna, and consigned to Mathias Munroe, mate and supercargo.
This vessel was an American vessel, called the Maria and Nancy, and was said to have been sold for 5,500 dollars to Don Juan Baptiste Yeard, by captain William York. She brought a cargo from the Havanna to New York, and then went from Bristol, on her present voyage to Angola. She cleared out at the customhouse of Bristol, for Teneriffe, with a cargo of merchandise, 30th October, 1810. The Spanish consul, at Boston, grants his certificate, dated Boston, 1st November, 1810, to the master, stating that as he was going to Africa for new negroes, he was at liberty to take a crew not Spanish.
The letter of instructions from J.B. Yeard, to Don Martias Munro, tells him to proceed to the coast of Angola, where he is to use his utmost exertions to purchase a full cargo of slaves; men, men-boys, boys and women, but no small girls, and to proceed with them to the Havanna direct. The captain is ordered to follow all Munroe's advice, in this business, he not being at all acquainted with the Guinea business. The boatswain, Antonio Constantino, swore, that the property of this vessel was in Charles D. Wolff, jun. and Matthias Munroe. He had heard them say so.
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Historical Era: The New Nation, 1783-1815

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